(Case Study of Diary
of a Mad Black Woman and Think Like a
Man)
In the mass media, the black female
perspective is often neglected, misinterpreted, or completely ignored. The
black media market, an industry comprised of predominantly black actors, constitutes
one of the main mediums for black female portrayal (Gooding 36). Despite its
connection to the black community, the black media market depicts a false image
of black womanhood. In films like the Diary of A Mad Black Woman, black media incorporates the “crazed”
stereotype of Madea or black “mammies.” By doing so, the images depict black
womanhood as aggressive, unattractive and masculine. Moreover, in Think Like
A Man, the sexy Jezebel character perpetuates the false notion of black
women as overly sexual. By using these gendered roles, black media constructs a
version of femininity/masculinity that adheres to the false stereotypes.
Additionally, black media depicts black female beauty through an Anglo-Saxon
lens. As a result, black media
constructs a false “notion of normality” that hinders the agency of black women
(McDougall 1). Nevertheless, as the black female audience consumes media
images, the false portrayals affect the perception of self. Through the
character analysis of black female roles and results from survey data, we
explore the ways in which the U.S. black media market perpetuates black female
stereotypes, how the images cripple the understanding of black womanhood, and
the potential effects on the black female identity.
In
media, there are certain perceived realities of black women. The ongoing
portrayal of these stereotypes further stigmatizes the false ideologies,
thereby allowing these ideologies to become the reality that people expect. One
of these false personalities is called “Madea” who is a “male mammy” portrayed
by Tyler Perry in his series of films and plays. In Ain’t I a Woman,
feminist scholar bell hooks explores the historical construction of the Madea
character. She explains that during reconstruction, white society depicted the
black female as “the opposite image” of white womanhood (bell hooks, Ain't I
a Woman 84). By doing so, white elites hoped to maintain patriarchy and
ensure their own hierarchical position. During this process, white women used
the image of the mammy to subvert black beauty. For example, the mammy wears
unflattering clothing, is preferably obese and has a “bestial cow-like quality”
(bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 84). She is defined by her “grossly
overweight, large-breasted [personhood,] who is desexualized, maternal, and
nonthreatening to white people but who may be aggressive toward [black] men”
(Chen 116). Moreover, by fiercely protecting the children, the mammy becomes a
“nurturer” who poses no threat to the white patriarchy. Interestingly, black
media has adopted this “white vision” of the black female and incorporated the
mammy stereotype in current films (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 84).
With this in mind,
as we examine the character of Madea in the film Diary of A Mad Black Woman,
we see that she is portrayed as a humorous matriarchal figure that is both strong
and independent. Despite her portrayal, the character of Madea only further
appropriates the offensive notion that black women are vengeful, violent, and
abrasive. For instance, during a particular scene in Diary of A Mad Black
Woman, Madea accompanies her granddaughter Helen to her former estate. Just
days ago, Helen’s husband forcefully moved her out of the mansion and demanded
that she accept his divorce request. While dragging her, the husband told Helen
that he planned to marry another woman who was the mother of his children. When
Madea and Helen arrive at the estate, the two decide to raid the mistress’
wardrobe. After destroying the mistress’ clothes, Helen searches the house for
money. Helen’s estranged husband then finds her searching for money in his
study and promptly threatens her. As the scene progresses, Madea is still in
the closet, laughing to herself about the destruction she and her granddaughter
have caused. The self-righteous mistress then walks into the closet and
confronts Madea about the clothing. Madea, not remorseful but confrontational,
threatens to “beat the hell out of” the mistress who previously threatened to
call the police. As both confrontations simultaneously escalate, Madea hears
Helen’s husband abusing Helen and swiftly makes her way to come to her
granddaughter’s defense. Madea bursts into the study space and wielding
her gun yells, “PLEASE do it, PLEASE hit her, I want to SEE you do it!”—Insinuating
that if she sees him hit Helen she will shoot him. Positively, Madea is
portrayed as the heroine of this scene by rescuing her granddaughter from harm.
After Helen instructs Madea to refrain from killing her husband, Madea leaves
the study only to find a chainsaw. Then, she proceeds to manically saw a coach
in half, seeing as how half of everything in the house legally belongs to
Helen.
By
including images of Madea swinging a gun recklessly and manically sawing a
couch in half, the media portrays Madea as unpredictable, crazy, and pugnacious.
The impact of stereotyping black women as “aggressive Madeas” translates into
the fear, caution, and hostility black men and other races approach black
women. We see this in the film through the frightened reactions of Helen’s
husband and the mistress. Black women are perceived as “frighten[ing] to
people” because society has a certain expectation that they are “kind of
bitter” (Reid 34). This jaded portrayal in current black media potentially damages
the perceived identity of black women because it “create[s] the feared Other”
(Reid 67). The “feared Other” is the unpredictable, barbaric nature that blacks
and other ethnicities have been perceived as by whites. This “feared Other”
provides justification for members of society to dissociate black women and
place them in aggressive roles like Madea (Reid 67). Characters similar to
Madea provide unenlightened individuals the conviction that black women and blacks
in general are animalistic, which then serves to detract the minimal femininity
and reputation that black women have in media and reality. For instance, the
subsequent ending of this scene is Madea laughing angrily to herself as she
furiously attempts to saw away at the couch, only to have herself and her
granddaughter, Helen, jailed for her misconduct. Scene depictions similar to
this justify thoughts that black women are dangerously animalistic, and that
the best way to subvert them is imprisonment. The current U.S. black media
market enhances the perceived “crazy” of black women, which in turn affects how
black women are perceived in society.
In
addition to the mammy stereotype, society created a second image of black
womanhood. During slavery, white society described the black woman as “sexually
permissive” and deserving of exploitation (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman
52). To legitimize their own actions, bell hooks argues that white slave-owners
constructed the Jezebel stereotype. The slave-owners would insist that black
females were “sexual savages” and as a result, the “animals” could not be raped
(bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 52). Ironically, white women would also
blame their female counterparts and insist “they [black enslaved women] were
the initiators of sexual relationships with men” (bell hooks, Ain't I a
Woman 52). From such thinking, society adopted a Jezebel stereotype that
portrayed black women as “sex objects and prostitutes” (bell hooks, Ain't I
a Woman 58).
Accordingly, the media adopted this
image and further stigmatized the black female. For example, in the film Think
Like A Man, there is a scene where Maya, played by Meagan Good, awakens
from having a one-night-stand with a young man named Alex. After offering him
coffee, Maya proceeds to the bedroom to “freshen up.” Before she exits, Maya
runs back to kiss Alex one more time and warns him “don’t leave” to which he
responds, “don’t worry, I won’t.” Once she closes the bathroom door, Alex
rushes to escape. While posing for Alex, Maya comes out of the bathroom and
discovers a note stating, “Michelle It was fun.” Once again, the sexy Jezebel
character is used and abused. Although they had slept together, Alex not only
forgot Maya’s name, but also made no attempt to call her by her actual name in
later scenes. As a result, this fortifies the argument that although black
women are sexy and attractive, they are neither given respect, nor do they have
respect for themselves. In spite of this falsity, the lack of agency stereotype
is only reinforced in films and the sexy Jezebel character hinders the
progression of black women in media. This is an issue creating a double
standard in the current U.S. black media market where black women are
constantly pigeonholed into certain stigmatized identities, which then affect
the perception of black women in real life.
Black
women’s identities are constructed in two ways, by others and by themselves.
Oftentimes, the identities that black women are confined to are the aggressor,
as we see in the character Madea and the sexy Jezebel character that Meagan
Good portrays. As a result, the conflicting identifications further these
cultural stereotypes and cause people to construct their own identity with
regard to what they view in the media. These perceptions of identity are firmly
rooted in the idea that people become what they consume, meaning that these
perceived identities are constructed. According to T.W. Volscho, racism is
defined as highly
organized system of race-based group privilege that operates at every level of
society and is held together by the sophisticated ideology of color/race supremacy (675-676). Thus, we argue
that cultural stereotypes are a form of systemic racism. These exaggerations
sustain white supremacy/privilege and ultimately legitimize “the feared Other” (Reid
67). Altogether, these portrayals reinforce the notion that black women are not
only objects, in the case of the Jezebel stereotype, but also adhere to the
“male mammy” persona of a crazed and aggressive identity. Our main concern is
that these portrayals then influence how society and the black female audience
interpret black womanhood.
Increasingly,
black films portray beauty through an Anglo-Saxon lens. As a result, there is a
disconnect between the representation of beauty and the black female audience.
For example, black women with Anglo-Saxon features, such as long flowing hair
and a lighter skin tone, typically portray the “beautiful” woman. In Think
Like a Man, for instance, the actresses who portray the “beautiful woman”
have relaxed hair and are fairly light-skinned for black women. Using their
Anglo-Saxon beauty, the women command the attention of their male counterparts.
In one particular scene, Lauren exits her penthouse apartment building and
walks towards Michael Ealy’s character Dominique. While doing so, Dominique’s
eyes widen with hungry lust as he watches Lauren’s beautiful hair blow in the
imaginary wind. Although this version of beauty empowers the Lauren character,
it potentially harms the black female audience.
According
to Lindy McDougall, the media creates a “notion of normality” that contradicts
the reality (McDougall 1). She argues that because media images are
consistently consumed, individuals perceive these portrayals as the “norm.” As
people interpret these images, they begin to understand their natural selves
through the portrayals. As a result, this potentially challenges those who do
not fit the “norm.” For instance, in McDougall’s “Towards a clean slit“ she
references the field of genital construction. She argues that the media creates
an unrealistic “norm” of vaginal aesthetics by consistently portraying the
female genitalia as “minimalist” and “symmetric” (McDougall 7). As women consume
these images, they come to believe that their vaginas should look this way
(McDougall 7). Accordingly, if their vaginas do not match these portrayals,
women then alter themselves through reconstructive surgeries. As a result,
McDougall contends that the media normalizes body modification and encourages
people to alter themselves.
Drawing
upon this theory, we argue that the black media market poses a similar threat
to identity. By using a specific type of woman, black films portray a
particular version of beauty. In Think Like a Man, this beauty includes
the long flowing hair ideal of Anglo-Saxon women and an overall light-skin
complexion. For black women who do not fit this mold, the dissonance forces
them to realize that society considers their natural beauty as “abnormal”
(McDougall 7). If these women try to obtain the “norm,” they essentially
subvert their identities and subscribe to the unrealistic portrayals. As a
result, media harms the black female’s perception of self and ultimately
persuades her to comply with Anglo-Saxon standards.
Likewise,
due to media portrayals of beauty, black women forfeit their agency by
“embracing, taking pleasure in, and even feeling empowered by the cultural
objectification” of the black female body (Baehr and Gray 46). Because actresses
are representing an ideal that does not fully encompass the range of beauty in
the black community, they ultimately portray these prejudiced conceptions of Anglo-Saxon
perfection (Baehr and Gray 46). As a result, the black media market produces a
mimicry of Anglo-Saxon features. Praising the Anglo-Saxon identity through the
embodiment of Anglo-Saxon features gives black women their own perceived “beauty”
agency. In reality, the embodiment of Anglo-Saxon features yields a false sense
of agency. For example, because black women are confined to certain “beauty”
stereotypes and appearances, they forfeit the opportunity to play roles outside
of these constructed characters. This conformity to the overwhelming
patriarchal and racist view of beauty only furthers the stereotyping of black
women in U.S. media, despite black women feeling empowered by these stereotypes
and their overall Anglo-Saxon appearance. A possible reason why black women
feel empowered is that there is positive feedback in the midst of the
negativity. The positive feedback demonstrates to what extent black women are recognized
as beautiful which ultimately is attributed to how much they resemble white
feminine ideals. The U.S. black media market provides an outlet of expression
and an avenue of recognition for black women and that in of itself is a form of
power.
Oftentimes,
when the media portrays black womanhood, the black female character embodies
masculinity. In the Diary of a Mad Black Woman, Tyler Perry portrays the
character of Madea. As a black man, Perry incorporates his own masculinity when
representing Madea. According to the feminist scholarly source, Turning It
On there is an “effacement of postmodern culture” where these stereotypes
of black women are not “merely embodied” but “explicitly thematized and
celebrated” (Baehr and Gray 45). Because society celebrates these stereotypes, black
male actors are encouraged to be exceedingly outrageous and offensive to black
women (Baehr and Gray 45). This dramatization of black womanhood in roles like
Madea deface the credibility of black women as actors, primarily because black
men play these characters, and “[inaugurate] new constructions of the self”
that are not an accurate or favorable depiction of the majority of black women
(Baehr and Gray 45). The portrayal of black female characters by men
demonstrates the extent to which being a black woman is perceived to be
constructed and an act of men. The fact that men play these “mammy” roles
accentuates the false notion that black women lack femininity. For instance, it
is difficult to look at Madea and think “woman.” Though the character is
herself a woman, the common knowledge that she is a man discredits any
credibility that Madea has feminine-like qualities. She has a form of
womanliness, but her bad make-up, sagging breasts, and oversized fashion make
her a laughable character. As a result, this engenders the perception that
black women have a form of womanliness but are also laughable and are pretending
to be feminine when they are actually not.
By
portraying black women as men, black media enforces the notion that the black
female lacks agency. For instance, according to David Valentine, society creates
a form of representational violence. In “The Calculus of Pain” he argues that politicians,
activists and feminist scholars use the term “transgender” to categorize an
identity. To this point however, Valentine insists that the actors misinterpret
the layers of “transgender” by trying to represent an identity in an
encompassing category. For instance, he argues that groups like Genderpac, use
narratives of transgender individuals to mobilize legislative reform. Because
these stories cannot define the meaning of transgender, they present a false
identity. As a result, Valentine contends that these actors limit the agency of
“transgender” individuals and grossly misinterpret their stories (Valentine 48).
Drawing upon this framework, we argue that the black media market creates a
similar crisis of identity. In roles like Madea, black men portray black women
from an “outside” perspective. By assuming the roles of black womanhood, black
men limit the agency of their female counterparts and adopt a feigned identity.
As a result, black media misconstrues the black female identity, takes away her
choice of representation and ultimately limits her agency.
Moreover,
when black women are given the opportunity to portray black womanhood, their
characters still embody masculinity. For example, in Think Like A Man,
Taraji P. Henson’s character Lauren represents the strong and independent black
woman stereotype. As a C.O.O. of a Fortune 500 company, Lauren asserts her
power and maintains an aggressive persona. Because of her accomplishments,
Lauren challenges her male counterparts and finds it difficult to maintain a
relationship. Candace, played by Regina Hall, insists that Lauren adopt a more
docile approach. For instance, Candace explains to Lauren that she should
submit to the wishes of her male companion and stop “being a man.” During one
particular scene, Lauren and Candace discuss their current relationships. When
Candace advises Lauren to read the new book Act
Like a Lady, Think Like a Man, Lauren refuses to adopt “that sexist crap.”
Instead, she asserts “there is no such thing as too strong” and insists that
she continue to challenge men both intellectually and professionally. Disturbed
by this idea, Candace then recalls Lauren’s previous relationship. She insists
that Lauren’s previous boyfriend ended the date when “you trumped his wine
choice.” She finally reminds Lauren of her boyfriend’s last words: “you don’t
need a man Lauren, you are a man.” Using this experience to warn her
best friend, Candace implores Lauren to be less masculine. Following her
friend’s advice, Lauren adopts the traditional feminine ideals of empathy and
sensitivity (Wollstonecraft 171). For instance, when speaking about her new
boyfriend Dominique, Lauren insists that she “believes in his dreams.”
Moreover, Lauren tells Candace that she will continue to help Dominique achieve
his goals and provide him the support necessary to become a five-star chef.
Nevertheless,
during this transformation, the film continues to portray Lauren as masculine.
For instance, after the two break-up, Lauren discovers that Dominique has
started his own business. Impressed by Dominique’s decision, Lauren tries to
rekindle their relationship by going to the grand opening. Through a romantic
gesture, Lauren describes her true feelings about Dominique and implores him
“to take me back.” Despite her vulnerability, the film still portrays Lauren as
masculine. For instance, while begging for the attention of Dominique, Lauren
storms up the stairs and verbally assaults the neighboring customers. During
the commotion, Lauren’s overly aggressive nature disturbs Dominique and
ultimately forces him to listen to her demands. When the media portrays black women,
there is always a masculine undercoat. As a result, this creates a false image
of black womanhood in society. As the images “dominate the consciousness of
Americans” people begin conform to notions of the black female as “tough
domineering, and strong” (bell hooks, Ain’t
I A Woman 83). Although these images empower the black female and
strengthen her image in society, it also detracts from her feminine qualities.
Thus, black women are described as “powerful” rather than “weak” and are
considered masculine rather than feminine.
Figure 1
Results
from Questions 5-10: How would you describe the actress?
Although
there are many studies that explore the connection between media and identity,
few analyze the black female perspective. To explore the effects of the black
media market, we conducted a survey about the movie Think Like a Man. Through
our survey, we tried to determine how the images of black womanhood affect the
black female’s perception of self. We began our research by first targeting
African American females. Using the Cornell community, we sent out an email to
various African American organizations. We framed the survey as a “Personality
Test” that would examine the effects of media and representation. Ultimately,
we were able to include 41 participants in our survey sample.
Our
survey included nine questions about the effects of movie identification. We
asked our respondents to first choose the actress that they most identified
with in the movie. Their options included: La La Anthony, Meagan Good, Regina
Hall, Taraji P. Henson, Gabrielle Union and Jenifer Lewis. Next, the respondents
described the actresses as either powerful, strong, confident, sexy/seductive
or weak. We used the adjective “powerful” to reflect the masculine stereotyping
of black women. To determine whether the media could destroy or possibly limit this
particular stereotype, we included the adjective “weak.” We also used the
adjective “angry” to reflect the cultural stereotype of a crazed Madea.
Moreover, the term “sexy/seductive” refers to the Jezebel stereotype of black
women as overly promiscuous. Finally, we included the adjective “confident” to
explore the ways in which the black media could foster a sense of pride in the
black female. After describing the actresses, respondents then used the same
adjectives to describe themselves.
Based on our results, there was a
link between the adjectives that respondents used to describe the actresses and
the type of stereotypes the actresses embodied. For instance, respondents
described Taraji P. Henson as either “powerful” or “confident” but never
“weak.” Recognizing the masculine-like qualities of the character Lauren,
respondents described Henson with non-feminine adjectives. Thus, Think Like
a Man reinforced the image of a masculine black woman. Moreover, when
describing Meagan Good, respondents either used the terms “weak” or
“sexy/seductive” to label Good’s performance. Based on the construction of
Jezebel, Good’s character fit the portrayal of a sexy seductress that men used
for entertainment. Her ability to attract Alex’s attention demonstrated to the
black female audience her overall “seductive” nature. Nevertheless, because
Alex used Maya, Good’s character, for his own sexual pleasure, the audience
perceived Good’s portrayal as “weak.” Altogether, the respondents used
adjectives that adhered to the cultural stereotypes described by scholars and
ultimately portrayed by the actresses. As a result, we conclude that the black
female audience not only acknowledges cultural stereotypes but also identifies
with them.
Based
on our results, we determined that there is a connection between
identification and media images. For example, of those who identified with a
particular actress, 70% of respondents used the same adjective to describe
themselves and their favored actress. By consuming the media images, respondents
identified themselves through the portrayals of various female actors. Our main
concern is that the black media images not only encourage black females to
adopt media portrayals but also adhere to cultural stereotypes. Although our
survey does not explore this particular outcome, we acknowledge bell hooks
concern that mass media images “impress a negative image of black womanhood”
that is then acted “upon all our psyches,” including the black female (bell
hooks, Ain’t I A Woman 84).
Accordingly, when black women interpret these negative images, they begin to
understand themselves through these portrayals and adopt them in society.
Since
the “second wave,” feminist scholars have made an effort to understand the
complexity of minority identification. Adding to their work, we have analyzed
the particular construction of black female
identity in the U.S. black media market. Based on our role analysis, we have
determined that black films, specifically Diary
of a Mad Black Woman and Think Like a
Man, adhere to the cultural stereotypes of sexy Jezebel and black mammy. Moreover,
their depiction of Anglo-Saxon beauty yields an unrealistic “norm” for black
women that result in the portrayal of black womanhood as overly masculine and a
“feared Other.” Based on our survey results, we have also determined that black
females recognize media stereotypes, view themselves through these portrayals
and in some cases act upon them. Thus, our main concern is that the black media
market enables the devaluation of black womanhood. As a medium geared towards
black people, we believe that the black media market should aim to destroy these
stereotypes and instead use images that reflect the reality rather than the construction
of black womanhood (bell hooks, Reel to Real 131).
Works
Cited
Baehr, Helen, and Ann Gray. Turning
It On: A Reader in Women and Media. London: Arnold,
1996.
Print.
Chen, Gina M, Sherri Williams,
Nicole Hendrickson, and Li Chen. "Male Mammies: a Social
Comparison
Perspective on How Exaggeratedly Overweight Media Portrayals of
Madea,
Rasputia, and Big Momma Affect How Black Women Feel About Themselves."
Mass Communication and Society. 15.1 (2012): 115-135. Print.
Mass Communication and Society. 15.1 (2012): 115-135. Print.
Fashion. Gender
Studies: Terms and Debates. Palgrave Macmillan. 197-205.
Gooding, F. W., and Khalid J.
Patterson. You Mean, There's Race in My Movie?: The Complete
Guide to Understanding Race in Mainstream Hollywood. Silver Spring, MD.: On the Reelz,
2007. Print.
Guide to Understanding Race in Mainstream Hollywood. Silver Spring, MD.: On the Reelz,
2007. Print.
hooks, bell. Ain't I a Woman: Black
Women and Feminism. Boston,
MA: South End, 1981.
Print.
hooks, bell. Reel to Real: Race, Sex, and Class at the Movies. New York, NY: Routledge, 1996.
hooks, bell. Reel to Real: Race, Sex, and Class at the Movies. New York, NY: Routledge, 1996.
Print.
McDougall, Lindy J. “Towards a
clean slit: how medicine and notions of normality are
shaping
genital aesthetics.” Culture, Health
& Sexuality: An International Journal for
Research, Intervention and Care.
Reid, Mark. Black Lenses, Black
Voices: African American Film Now. Lanham,
MD: Rowman
&
Littlefield, 2005. Print.
Valentine, David. ‘The Calculus of Pain’: Violence,
Anthropological Ethics, and the Category
Transgender.
Ethnos. 68(1): 27-48.
Volpp, Leti. 2001. Feminism versus Multiculturalism. Columbia Law Review 101(5): 1181
1218.
Volscho, Thomas W. Racism and Disparities in Women’s Use of
Depo-Provera
Injection
in the Contemporary USA.
Critical Sociology 37:673-688.
Wollstonecraft, Mary. “A
Vindication of the Rights of Woman” An
Introduction to Women’s
Studies: Gender in a Transnational
World. I. Grewal and C. Kaplan, Eds. McGraw Hill.
170-172.
No comments:
Post a Comment