Riot
Grrrl’s Impacts on the Content of 90s Punk Songs
by Aubree Keurajian
by Aubree Keurajian
Punk rock is
strongly associated with criticizing the government and the dominant social
structure. For this reason one may anticipate that criticism of the patriarchal
tendencies of society would be a theme present in punk culture, however this
assumption does not necessarily hold. While the punk rock scene is based in
large part on ideas of social justice and equality, by the 1990s, many aspects
mainstream society had wept in and the gender hierarchies found in mainstream
culture had mirrored themselves within the subculture. Thus despite being a
place where women could rebel against the traditional feminine roles that
society dictated they fill, the punk scene still placed them in a subordinate
position. This gender inequality within a structure purporting equality,
combined with critiques of society as a whole helped create the Riot Grrrl
movement as a strong feminist force to speak out against these inequalities. The
Riot Grrrl movement arose out of a combination of feminist ideas and punk rock
aesthetics, but also provided a point of comradeship for women and girls in the
punk rock movement itself. I will
examine the impacts of Riot Grrrl as a strong feminist voice within the punk
community on the lyrical content of male bands in the concurrent punk revival.
Punk rock arose as
a reaction to mainstream, commercialized rock and sought to rebel against all
of the traditional expectations of rock music, one of these being the almost
universal male dominance. At its inception, punk’s “do it yourself” quality
allowed, and even encouraged, people who did not fit the typical white, male
rocker mold to take part in the music, creating a space for female musicians to
partake (Dunn and Farnsworth, 2012). This can be seen in the popularity of mixed
gender groups like Siouxsie and the Banshees, Blondie, and X-Ray Spex (Oxford Music Online, “Punk”,
2013). In addition to the presence of women, the early punk scene also was mixed in
terms of race, as can be easily seen in the Los Angeles area through groups
like The Bags, which were neither all male nor all white (Bag, 2012). The early British punk scene provided a platform for women to speak out on
issues of sexism and gender inequality, and through this helped to create much
of the punk aesthetic, as can be seen through figures like designer Vivienne
Westwood (Downes, 2012). Unfortunately, this gender and racial equality in the punk rock scene was
relatively short lived, and as entirely male, white bands became more dominant
the scene it became more aggressive and masculine, causing an exclusion of
women and minorities. Women involved in punk rock at this time found that it
quickly changed from a relatively open community to one that posed a threat of
violence to them and in which they no longer were an accepted part (Dunn and
Farnsworth, 2012). Part of this
masculinization was due to the strong ties with the working class that put
issues of class and political struggles against gender inequality (Cranny-Francis
and Waring, 2003). While punk did not become necessarily
anti-women, it did become a rough and sometimes aggressive scene in which
femininity was discouraged and masculinity celebrated.
Just
as in society as a whole, gender roles in punk rock are constructed through
performative acts and informed by visual representations especially through the
media. For this reason, an understanding of how people create and maintain
their genders through their actions as well as how the media and society
influences the gendered acts that people perform is necessary for an
understanding of how these processes operate within the punk subcultures and
how they created the need for the Riot Grrrl movement. As early as the start of
the western first wave of feminism, theorists such as Mary Wollstonecraft
recognized that society creates nonessential gender constructions that girls
and boys are expected to uphold through physical objects and actions dictated
to be more suited to one gender or the other (Wollstonecraft, 2002). This
goes along with Judith Butler’s phenomenological theories on gender
construction in which she defines gender as a social construction created by
repetition of gendered acts in accordance to a sociocultural setting that
varies greatly over time (Butler, 1988). She also argues that culture is reliant on gender in order to function in the
way that people have been conditioned to expect. While each act that a person
performs is an individual choice, they are dictated by the larger structures of
society and help to reinforce this society (Oxford
Music Online, “Punk”), creating a positive feedback loop. This
lens of critique of gender is most often focused on mainstream society, but the
same processes are at work in subcultures as well and very clearly in punk
rock.
As
Cranny-Francis and Waring describe in their paper on gender and fashion, gender
is defined in large part by fashion and styles, and society relies on these
cues to separate people out along a binary division of gender (Cranny-Francis
& Waring, 2003). This construction
of gender through clothing, hair, and makeup is clearly a defining
characteristic of gender constructions in mainstream society, but it also holds
very true in the punk culture as well. While the punk culture can be seen as,
in part, a rejection of the consumerist, capitalist society that beauty culture
is a part of, manners of dress and hairstyle are very important parts of punk
culture. In Lauraine LeBlanc’s book on girls and women in the punk community
she describes a contradiction that punk culture simultaneously creates a way
for females to rebel against the mainstream constructions of femininity while
replacing them with other constructions of femininity. Women within the punk
rock scene face the challenge of adhering to the masculine aesthetic of punk
rock, by using elements such as combat boots, shaved heads, and leather
jackets, while still portraying that they are female, either through the
inclusion of traditionally feminine elements like makeup, skirts, or fishnets,
or by acting in a gentle, “girly” way. As one of the interviewees in LeBlanc’s
research, Carina, put it, “I’ll do little things, just to make sure they know
I’m a girl.” (Leblanc, 1999) This quotation shows that, despite the punk scene’s rejection of typical modes
of femininity, there are still defined female roles that women are expected to
fill.
The
Riot Grrrl movement arose in the early 1990s in response to both the strongly
masculine tone that the punk rock scene had taken on as well as the issues of sexism
that women and girls faced in the world at large (Cranny-Francis & Waring,
2003). Reclaiming the word “girl” from its negative
connotations, Riot Grrrl encouraged women and girls to take part in feminist
activism using the same techniques as the punk movement, that is, through independent
music and zines (Garrison, 2000). By
creating an accessible place for women to aggressively organize for equal
treatment and rights, the Riot Grrrl movement helped bring women’s issues to
the attention of society as a whole. While the Riot Grrrl movement was predominately
white, it strived to combat issues that dealt with race in addition to gender,
consumerism, and heteronormativity (Leblanc, 1999). The movement grew in scope and popularity,
becoming a major social force in the mid-1990s, gaining publicity in many
national news outlets in addition to increasing the distribution of materials
on how to make zines to a larger demographic in order to foster the growth of a
feminist underground press (Cranny-Francis & Waring, 2003). Riot Grrrl bands and Riot Grrrl inspired
songs also came onto the national scene in the music charts, with songs like No
Doubt’s “Just a Girl” reaching number 23 on the Billboard charts and an album
by Sleater-Kinney peaking at number 15 on the indie charts (Academic Charts
Online).
In
order to analyze the effects of the Riot Grrrl movement on the treatment of
women in the lyrics of male punk rock bands I examined three bands that were
influential in the punk rock revival scene of the 1990s and are comprised
entirely of male musicians, Anti-Flag, Bad Religion, and Rancid. I analyzed the
lyrics beginning with bands’ first albums and stopping with albums that were
published prior to 2005. In my analysis of the lyrics I looked for three
things. 1.) Any mention of issues typically considered “women’s issues” such as
feminism in general, reproductive rights, and sexual assault, 2.) any mention
of an individual women as a character in the song, or 3.) the use of female
pronouns or generic female terms such as “daughter”, “mother”, or “girl”. I used the lyrics as
published on www.azlyrics.com because
this website has a complete listing of all of the songs released by all of
these bands and thus a level of consistency is ensured. While the lyrics on
this site are written and edited by contributors in a similar way to Wikipedia,
the level of accuracy is usually quite high. I chose 2005 as an end date
because the Riot Grrrl movement peaked in the mid-1990s thus by 2005 its
ideology was well known and most of its effects had been felt. Additionally,
this date is a logical breaking point for all three of the bands discussed for
various reasons that will be discussed below.
Anti-Flag
is a very political punk band formed in Pittsburg, PA in 1993. While the band
had a small prelude in 1988 with female vocalist Lucy Fester, this iteration of
the band failed almost instantly. When it reformed in 1993, the band was
entirely male, and while the membership changed slightly over the next six
years, this trend continued. From their creation in 1993 up until 2005 they
were signed on various independent record labels, including one of their own
creation, A-F Records. In 2005 they signed to RCA, signaling a change from the
DIY punk aesthetic that they were known for, and this change can be easily
heard in their music, supporting the use of 2005 as an end date (Encyclopedia of Popular Music, “Anti-Flag”). Of the three bands I examined, Anti-Flag is by far the most political. Most of
their songs focus on the United States government, especially war and military
action as well as personal freedom. Their musical style is very characteristic
of punk revival bands; loud, fast, and simple both in lyrics and melody.
In
addition to Anti-Flag, I looked at one of the biggest bands of the 90s
post-punk revival, Bad Religion. By far the most well-known of the three, Bad
Religion was formed in 1980 in Los Angeles, CA, prior to both the Riot Grrrl
movement and the punk revival. While the band faced many lineup changes, all of
its members have been male. Much like Anti-Flag, they released albums on their
own label, Epitaph, which, unlike A-F Records, grew beyond them. Bad Religion also
signed to a major label, but this does not appear to have changed their music
in any substantial way (EPM, “Bad
Religion”). Unlike Anti-Flag, Bad Religion focused more on politics and social issues, such
as consumerism and religion. Bad Religion did not release any albums between
2004 and 2007, and as such the year 2005 is a logical break point for analysis
of their music.
Rancid
is the least political of the three bands I analyzed, but they still have
strong themes of social commentary. Formed in 1989 in Oakland, CA and signed to
Bad Religion’s Epitaph Records, Rancid focused primarily on social issues,
leaving behind much of the political focus of other punk revival bands. Unlike
the other two bands discussed, Rancid had strong ties with the third-wave ska
scene that ran concurrent to the punk revival, which may be responsible for the
less political nature of their music (EPM,
“Rancid”). Similar to Bad Religion, Rancid took a break in producing albums, although
slightly longer, lasting from 2003-2009. This break, however, leaves 2005 again
as a logical upper limit for analysis.
Through
my reading of these bands’ lyrics, I have found four distinct categories of
references about women. The first of these are women portrayed as vague family
members in such a way as to symbolize larger sections of society; I have termed
this category “symbolic kin” and have found that examples tend to fall into two
categories, the first being “mothers” in which maternal imagery is used as a
stand in for authority figures, and the second being relatively un-gendered
uses of terms like “brothers and sisters” in a way that implies comradeship. The
songs in this category primarily came from Bad Religion, so this may have more
to do with that individual band than punk rock revival bands in general. The second
category of songs is those that use female characters alongside male characters
in an anecdotal lyrical format. Representations of women in this way tend to
portray them in ways that are not gender specific. The next category is the use
of women in stereotypical roles as descriptors of the type of society or
setting that is being created in the song. While these representations of women
tend to cast women in traditional, subordinate ways, they are more a commentary
on the place of women within those societies than the way the band itself
actually views women. The fourth category is songs that deal directly with
women’s issues. Due to space constraints I can only give a few examples of each
type, but in the appendix is a list of songs by these groups that mention women
and the way in which women are mentioned.
Not
all of the songs released by these bands portray women in a non-sexist light,
but the songs that lyrically treat women poorly are not connected by any sort
of overriding category and thus seem somewhat individual. There is a minor
theme of jilted lovers speaking poorly of their former loves, as can be seen in
Dope Sick, Girl by Rancid, which
portrays a woman’s insecurity as attractive, and Anti-Flag’s Drink, Drank, Punk which talks about the
regret of a one night stand with a woman who turned out to be unattractive. All
of the songs that treat women with varying degrees of sexism have to do with
relationships and as such are speaking about individual women and not women as
a group or portraying them as characters in a society. One variation from this
trend is the Bad Religion song Evangeline,
a love song about a punk rock girl that shows her as a strong individual.
Punk
rock is the music of the rebellious teen, fighting against the controlling
forces of society, an image easily represented through parents. While a parent
of either gender could be used to represent society equally well, the mother is
overwhelmingly the preferred choice. As a symbol of society, the mother is
treated as a personification of society’s attempts to homogenize and control
individuals in one of two ways, either through an actual controlling force or as
person who has been completely controlled by society. The first of these can be
seen in Rancid’s song The Wars End which
contains the line: “Little Sammy was a punk rocker//you know his mother never
understood him” and the second in the Bad Religion song 21st Century Digital Boy which attacks both parents as
complacent products of modern society in the lyrics “Daddy’s a lazy middle
class intellectual//Mommy’s on valium, so ineffectual”. Parents are also used
as a stand in for society as something to be impressed, which the punk rock
children inevitably fail at doing because of their failure to adhere to
expected societal norms. This is exemplified in the Bad Religion song Incomplete, which begins with “Mother,
Father, look at your little monster, //I’m a hero, I’m a zero, // I’m the butt
of the worst joke in history”.
Another form of
symbolic kinship is seen in the use of phrases like “brothers and sisters” and
“sons and daughters” to highlight a universal comradeship between people facing
the same struggles, regardless of gender. This lyrical structure tends to treat
both genders in the same way, as is seen in the Anti-Flag songs No Borders, No Nations which contains
the lyrics “A government run by the corporations of the world//Enslaving
mothers, fathers, sons, and daughters” and A
New Kind of Army, which says “We’re looking for a few good men//We’re
looking for a few good womyn”. This
quotation from A New Kind of Army shows
Anti-Flag’s consciousness of feminism through their adoption of the alternate
spelling of “woman” as “womyn”; this is seen any time they use that word from
1998 onward. Gender equal comradeship is by far one of the dominant ways in
which women are referred to in the songs that I examined, and it shows an
underlying belief in equality between genders in the collective psyche of punk
rock.
The
next category is of women as characters in a lyrical form common to many
genres, including punk rock, that I will call the “anecdote”. In the anecdote
format, short vignettes are told about multiple characters in order to tell a
story, often of the effects of something or to create an image of a part of
society. This is exemplified in the Bad Religion song You Don’t Belong, which uses this technique to describe the misfit
youths to whom the song is dedicated. This song is also interesting in its
causal mention of gender-deviant ways of performing gender. “Jack wore a skirt
but he knew how to scrap//Billy went to county on a class one possession//Wendy
went to school while her daddy shot smack//Eugene kept a list//Mugger was
security//Mary she kept her purity//We were all in it together”. In one stanza
of Rancid’s song Rats in the Hallway
a heroin addict named Mya accosts the narrator, but in the next stanza it is
the junkie Johnny whose addiction adds to the derelict setting of the apartment
complex. These songs use descriptions of characters in an anecdotal way to
describe a setting, but do so in such a way that does not rely on traditional
gender roles. A third category of representations of women does exactly the
opposite and is for that reason the most potentially problematic.
Punk
rock songs often create exaggerated settings to illuminate social ills or
ironies, and one way in which they manage this is through the use of
stereotypical female characters. At first listen these songs appear to be
reinforcing stereotyped gender roles and treating women in sexist ways, but
upon further examination it becomes clear that these images of women are not
intended to be a comment on how women ought to be treated but rather on the
roles that various types of society force them into. This is clear in Rancid’s
song Hoover Street, which opens with
a description of an immigrant prostitute to set the scene of the ghetto
described by the song. The use of female characters in this way shows an
acknowledgement of the unique ways in which other struggles, such as class,
race, and consumerism, affect women and how the women shaped by these struggles
then affect their communities.
The
final category of songs dealing with women are those dealing directly with
“women’s issues”, especially abortion and women in the media. It is interesting
to note that in my analysis I came across no songs that spoke negatively of
feminist activism. Bad Religion and Anti-Flag both have released songs against
restrictions on abortions, Don’t Pray on
Me and No Apology respectively. From
No Apology, “Making it illegal won't make it go away//the rich will fly to far off
lands, the poor will stay and pray//that their back alley abortion is clean and
safe//you can't make it go away,//so
why endanger womyn's lives?” Additionally, all
three bands have songs that attack the media’s unrealistic and damaging
portrayals of women. Rancid’s Antennas
begins with the blunt line “You’re selling sexism, you’re selling racism”,
while Anti-Flag’s You’ll Scream Tonight
describes how advertising utilizes over-sexualized women to sell products.
While these songs are a definite minority, the fact that all male groups chose
to tackle these issues when they could have just as easily dismissed them show
that the feminist agenda of the Riot Grrrl movement may have had an impact on
the subject matter that these bands chose to focus on.
In
conclusion, the Riot Grrrl movement’s combination of punk rock culture with
feminist beliefs created a powerful subculture that impacted the lyrical
content of popular male bands of the 1990s. While there is no evidence of
direct influence or collaboration between women involved in the Riot Grrrl
movement and the male bands of the punk revival that I examined, that these two
movements occurred simultaneously within the same genre of music indicates that
they were influenced by each other. The relatively equal treatment of women in
the lyrics of these bands, as well as the fact that even the least political of
the three examined has a song about women’s issues, shows that these bands were
cognizant of feminism and operated in such a way as not to aggressively uphold
masculine dominance.
Works Cited
Bag, Alice. “Work that
Hoe: Tilling the Soil of Punk Feminism.” Women
& Performance: a
Journal of Feminist Theory. 22.2-3 (2012):233-238. ProQuest. Web. 21 Nov. 2013.
Butler, Judith. 1988. Performative Acts and Gender
Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory. Theatre Journal 40(4): 519-531.
Cranny-Francis, Anne and Wendy E. Waring. 2003. Femininity,
Masculinity, and Fashion. Gender Studies:
Terms and Debates. Palgrave MacMillan. 197-205.
Downes, Julia. “The Expansion
of Punk Rock: Riot Grrrl Challenges to Gender Power Relations in British Indie
Music Subcultures.” Women’s Studies: An
Interdisciplinary Journal 41.2 (2012):204-237. Literary Reference Center. Web. 21 Nov, 2013.
Dunn, Kevin, and May Summer
Farnsworth. “‘We ARE the Revolution’: Riot Grrrl Press, Girl Empowerment, and
DIY Self-Publishing.” Women’s Studies: An
Interdisciplinary Journal 41.2 (2012): 136-157. Literary Reference Center. Web. 22 Nov. 2013.
Garrison, Ednie Kaeh.
"U.S. Feminism-Grrrl Style! Youth (Sub)Cultures and the Technologics of
the Third Wave." Feminist
Studies 26.1 (2000): 141-70. ProQuest. Web. 25 Nov. 2013.
Leblanc, Lauraine. Pretty
in Punk: Girls’ Gender Resistance In A Boys’ Subculture. New Brunswick,
N.J.: Rutgers, University Press, 1999. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 19 Nov. 2013.
Wollstonecraft, Mary. 2002. Excerpt from “A Vindication of
the Rights of Woman.” An Introduction to
Women’s Studies: Gender in a Transnational World. I. Grewal and C. Kaplan,
Eds. McGraw Hill. 170-172.
Other Sources:
"Anti-Flag." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford
Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/74476>.
"Bad
Religion." Encyclopedia
of Popular Music, 4th
ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online.Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/36240>.
"Punk." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford
Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/52163>.
"Rancid." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford
Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/62752>.
Songs Referenced:
Anti-Flag. "Angry,
Young, and Poor." Underground
Network. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2001.
Anti-Flag.
"Anti-Violent." North
America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Betty Sue
is Dead." Their System
Doesn't Work For You. By Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 1998.
Anti-Flag. "Born to
Die." North America
Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Confused
Youth." Die for the
Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Drink
Drank Punk." Die for the
Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Gifts
from America; With Love, The U.S.A." BYO
Split Series Volume IV. By Justin Sane. BYO Records, Los Angeles, 2002.
Anti-Flag.
"I'm Having a Good Day." North
America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996.
Anti-Flag.
"Mind the G.A.T.T." The
Terror State. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2003.
Anti-Flag. "No
Apology." A New Kind of
Army. By Justin Sane. Go-Kart Records, New York, 1999.
Anti-Flag. "No
Borders, No Nations." BYO
Split Series Volume IV. By Justin Sane. BYO Records, Los Angeles, 2002.
Anti-Flag. "Power to
the Peaceful." The Terror
State. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2003.
Anti-Flag. "Right to
Choose." Mobilize. By
Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 2002.
Anti-Flag. "Spaz's
House Destruction Party [Live]." Mobilize.
By Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 2002.
Anti-Flag. "Summer
Squatter Go Home." Die
for the Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "You'll
Scream Tonight." North
America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996.
Bad Religion.
"American Jesus." Recipe
for Hate. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Bad Religion.
"Anesthesia." Against
the Grain. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1990.
Bad Religion. "Boot
Stamping on a Human Face Forever." The
Empire Strikes First. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2004.
Bad Religion.
"Broken." The
Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion.
"Cease." The Gray
Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996.
Bad Religion. "Chasing
the Wild Goose." Into the
Unknown. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1983.
Bad Religion. "The
Defense." The Process of
Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion. "Doin'
Time." How Could Hell Be
Any Worse?. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1982.
Bad Religion. "Don't
Pray on Me." Recipe for
Hate. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Bad Religion.
"Drastic Actions." Bad
Religion. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1981.
Bad Religion. "Drunk
Sincerity." The Gray Race.
By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996.
Bad Religion.
"Epiphany." The
Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion.
"Evangeline." The
Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion. "Heaven
is Falling." Generator.
By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "Hooray
For Me." Stranger than
Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994.
Bad Religion. "The
Hopeless Housewife." The
New America. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 2000.
Bad Religion.
"Incomplete." Stranger
than Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994.
Bad Religion. "Land
of Competition." Suffer.
By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1988.
Bad Religion. "No
Direction." Generator.
By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "Pity
the Dead." The Gray Race.
By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996.
Bad Religion. "The
Streets of America." The
Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996.
Bad Religion. "Struck
a Nerve." Recipe for Hate.
By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Bad Religion.
"Television." Stranger
than Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994.
Bad Religion. "Two
Babies in the Dark." Generator.
By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "White
Trash (2nd Generation)." How
Could Hell Be Any Worse?. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1982.
Bad Religion.
"You." No Control.
By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1989.
Bad Religion. "You
Don't Belong." The
Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion. "21st
Century (Digital Boy)." Against
the Grain. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1990.
Rancid. "Adina." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong.
Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Rancid. "Another
Night." Rancid. By
Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Rancid.
"Antennas." Rancid.
By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2000. CD.
Rancid. "As
Wicked." .And Out Come
the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Back Up
Against The Wall." Indestructible.
By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "The Ballad
of Jimmy and Johnny." Let's
Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid. "Cash,
Culture, and Violence." Life
Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Cocktails." Life Won't Wait. By Tim
Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Corazon de
Oro." Life Won't Wait.
By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid.
"Detroit." Rancid.
By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Rancid. "Dope Sick,
Girl." Let's Go. By
Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid. "Fall Back
Down." Indestructible.
By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "Hoover
Street." Life Won't Wait.
By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Let's
Go." Let's Go. By Tim
Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid.
"Memphis." Indestructible.
By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "New
Dress." Life Won't Wait.
By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Not to
Regret." Rancid. By
Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2000.
Rancid. "Olympia
WA." .And Out Come the
Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Rats in the
Hallway." Rancid. By
Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Rancid. "Red Hot
Moon." Indestructible.
By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "Roots
Radicals." .And Out Come
the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Ruby
Soho." .And Out Come the
Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "She's
Automatic." .And Out Come
the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "St.
Mary." Let's Go. By
Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid. "Stand Your
Ground." Indestructible.
By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid.
"Tenderloin." Let's
Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid. "Time
Bomb." .And Out Come the
Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Tropical
London." Indestructible.
By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "The Wars
End." .And Out Come the
Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "You Don't
Care Nothin'." .And Out
Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "The 11th
Hour." .And Out Come the
Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
No comments:
Post a Comment