Thursday, February 6, 2014

Influence of the Riot Grrrl Movement on Punk



Riot Grrrl’s Impacts on the Content of 90s Punk Songs
by Aubree Keurajian

Punk rock is strongly associated with criticizing the government and the dominant social structure. For this reason one may anticipate that criticism of the patriarchal tendencies of society would be a theme present in punk culture, however this assumption does not necessarily hold. While the punk rock scene is based in large part on ideas of social justice and equality, by the 1990s, many aspects mainstream society had wept in and the gender hierarchies found in mainstream culture had mirrored themselves within the subculture. Thus despite being a place where women could rebel against the traditional feminine roles that society dictated they fill, the punk scene still placed them in a subordinate position. This gender inequality within a structure purporting equality, combined with critiques of society as a whole helped create the Riot Grrrl movement as a strong feminist force to speak out against these inequalities. The Riot Grrrl movement arose out of a combination of feminist ideas and punk rock aesthetics, but also provided a point of comradeship for women and girls in the punk rock movement itself.  I will examine the impacts of Riot Grrrl as a strong feminist voice within the punk community on the lyrical content of male bands in the concurrent punk revival.
Punk rock arose as a reaction to mainstream, commercialized rock and sought to rebel against all of the traditional expectations of rock music, one of these being the almost universal male dominance. At its inception, punk’s “do it yourself” quality allowed, and even encouraged, people who did not fit the typical white, male rocker mold to take part in the music, creating a space for female musicians to partake (Dunn and Farnsworth, 2012).  This can be seen in the popularity of mixed gender groups like Siouxsie and the Banshees, Blondie, and X-Ray Spex (Oxford Music Online, “Punk”, 2013). In addition to the presence of women, the early punk scene also was mixed in terms of race, as can be easily seen in the Los Angeles area through groups like The Bags, which were neither all male nor all white (Bag, 2012). The early British punk scene provided a platform for women to speak out on issues of sexism and gender inequality, and through this helped to create much of the punk aesthetic, as can be seen through figures like designer Vivienne Westwood (Downes, 2012). Unfortunately, this gender and racial equality in the punk rock scene was relatively short lived, and as entirely male, white bands became more dominant the scene it became more aggressive and masculine, causing an exclusion of women and minorities. Women involved in punk rock at this time found that it quickly changed from a relatively open community to one that posed a threat of violence to them and in which they no longer were an accepted part (Dunn and Farnsworth, 2012).  Part of this masculinization was due to the strong ties with the working class that put issues of class and political struggles against gender inequality (Cranny-Francis and Waring, 2003). While punk did not become necessarily anti-women, it did become a rough and sometimes aggressive scene in which femininity was discouraged and masculinity celebrated.
            Just as in society as a whole, gender roles in punk rock are constructed through performative acts and informed by visual representations especially through the media. For this reason, an understanding of how people create and maintain their genders through their actions as well as how the media and society influences the gendered acts that people perform is necessary for an understanding of how these processes operate within the punk subcultures and how they created the need for the Riot Grrrl movement. As early as the start of the western first wave of feminism, theorists such as Mary Wollstonecraft recognized that society creates nonessential gender constructions that girls and boys are expected to uphold through physical objects and actions dictated to be more suited to one gender or the other (Wollstonecraft, 2002). This goes along with Judith Butler’s phenomenological theories on gender construction in which she defines gender as a social construction created by repetition of gendered acts in accordance to a sociocultural setting that varies greatly over time (Butler, 1988). She also argues that culture is reliant on gender in order to function in the way that people have been conditioned to expect. While each act that a person performs is an individual choice, they are dictated by the larger structures of society and help to reinforce this society (Oxford Music Online, “Punk”), creating a positive feedback loop. This lens of critique of gender is most often focused on mainstream society, but the same processes are at work in subcultures as well and very clearly in punk rock.
            As Cranny-Francis and Waring describe in their paper on gender and fashion, gender is defined in large part by fashion and styles, and society relies on these cues to separate people out along a binary division of gender (Cranny-Francis & Waring, 2003). This construction of gender through clothing, hair, and makeup is clearly a defining characteristic of gender constructions in mainstream society, but it also holds very true in the punk culture as well. While the punk culture can be seen as, in part, a rejection of the consumerist, capitalist society that beauty culture is a part of, manners of dress and hairstyle are very important parts of punk culture. In Lauraine LeBlanc’s book on girls and women in the punk community she describes a contradiction that punk culture simultaneously creates a way for females to rebel against the mainstream constructions of femininity while replacing them with other constructions of femininity. Women within the punk rock scene face the challenge of adhering to the masculine aesthetic of punk rock, by using elements such as combat boots, shaved heads, and leather jackets, while still portraying that they are female, either through the inclusion of traditionally feminine elements like makeup, skirts, or fishnets, or by acting in a gentle, “girly” way. As one of the interviewees in LeBlanc’s research, Carina, put it, “I’ll do little things, just to make sure they know I’m a girl.” (Leblanc, 1999) This quotation shows that, despite the punk scene’s rejection of typical modes of femininity, there are still defined female roles that women are expected to fill.
            The Riot Grrrl movement arose in the early 1990s in response to both the strongly masculine tone that the punk rock scene had taken on as well as the issues of sexism that women and girls faced in the world at large (Cranny-Francis & Waring, 2003).  Reclaiming the word “girl” from its negative connotations, Riot Grrrl encouraged women and girls to take part in feminist activism using the same techniques as the punk movement, that is, through independent music and zines (Garrison, 2000). By creating an accessible place for women to aggressively organize for equal treatment and rights, the Riot Grrrl movement helped bring women’s issues to the attention of society as a whole. While the Riot Grrrl movement was predominately white, it strived to combat issues that dealt with race in addition to gender, consumerism, and heteronormativity (Leblanc, 1999). The movement grew in scope and popularity, becoming a major social force in the mid-1990s, gaining publicity in many national news outlets in addition to increasing the distribution of materials on how to make zines to a larger demographic in order to foster the growth of a feminist underground press (Cranny-Francis & Waring, 2003). Riot Grrrl bands and Riot Grrrl inspired songs also came onto the national scene in the music charts, with songs like No Doubt’s “Just a Girl” reaching number 23 on the Billboard charts and an album by Sleater-Kinney peaking at number 15 on the indie charts (Academic Charts Online).
            In order to analyze the effects of the Riot Grrrl movement on the treatment of women in the lyrics of male punk rock bands I examined three bands that were influential in the punk rock revival scene of the 1990s and are comprised entirely of male musicians, Anti-Flag, Bad Religion, and Rancid. I analyzed the lyrics beginning with bands’ first albums and stopping with albums that were published prior to 2005. In my analysis of the lyrics I looked for three things. 1.) Any mention of issues typically considered “women’s issues” such as feminism in general, reproductive rights, and sexual assault, 2.) any mention of an individual women as a character in the song, or 3.) the use of female pronouns or generic female terms such as “daughter”,  “mother”, or “girl”. I used the lyrics as published on www.azlyrics.com because this website has a complete listing of all of the songs released by all of these bands and thus a level of consistency is ensured. While the lyrics on this site are written and edited by contributors in a similar way to Wikipedia, the level of accuracy is usually quite high. I chose 2005 as an end date because the Riot Grrrl movement peaked in the mid-1990s thus by 2005 its ideology was well known and most of its effects had been felt. Additionally, this date is a logical breaking point for all three of the bands discussed for various reasons that will be discussed below.
            Anti-Flag is a very political punk band formed in Pittsburg, PA in 1993. While the band had a small prelude in 1988 with female vocalist Lucy Fester, this iteration of the band failed almost instantly. When it reformed in 1993, the band was entirely male, and while the membership changed slightly over the next six years, this trend continued. From their creation in 1993 up until 2005 they were signed on various independent record labels, including one of their own creation, A-F Records. In 2005 they signed to RCA, signaling a change from the DIY punk aesthetic that they were known for, and this change can be easily heard in their music, supporting the use of 2005 as an end date (Encyclopedia of Popular Music, “Anti-Flag”). Of the three bands I examined, Anti-Flag is by far the most political. Most of their songs focus on the United States government, especially war and military action as well as personal freedom. Their musical style is very characteristic of punk revival bands; loud, fast, and simple both in lyrics and melody.
            In addition to Anti-Flag, I looked at one of the biggest bands of the 90s post-punk revival, Bad Religion. By far the most well-known of the three, Bad Religion was formed in 1980 in Los Angeles, CA, prior to both the Riot Grrrl movement and the punk revival. While the band faced many lineup changes, all of its members have been male. Much like Anti-Flag, they released albums on their own label, Epitaph, which, unlike A-F Records, grew beyond them. Bad Religion also signed to a major label, but this does not appear to have changed their music in any substantial way (EPM, “Bad Religion”). Unlike Anti-Flag, Bad Religion focused more on politics and social issues, such as consumerism and religion. Bad Religion did not release any albums between 2004 and 2007, and as such the year 2005 is a logical break point for analysis of their music.
            Rancid is the least political of the three bands I analyzed, but they still have strong themes of social commentary. Formed in 1989 in Oakland, CA and signed to Bad Religion’s Epitaph Records, Rancid focused primarily on social issues, leaving behind much of the political focus of other punk revival bands. Unlike the other two bands discussed, Rancid had strong ties with the third-wave ska scene that ran concurrent to the punk revival, which may be responsible for the less political nature of their music (EPM, “Rancid”). Similar to Bad Religion, Rancid took a break in producing albums, although slightly longer, lasting from 2003-2009. This break, however, leaves 2005 again as a logical upper limit for analysis.
            Through my reading of these bands’ lyrics, I have found four distinct categories of references about women. The first of these are women portrayed as vague family members in such a way as to symbolize larger sections of society; I have termed this category “symbolic kin” and have found that examples tend to fall into two categories, the first being “mothers” in which maternal imagery is used as a stand in for authority figures, and the second being relatively un-gendered uses of terms like “brothers and sisters” in a way that implies comradeship. The songs in this category primarily came from Bad Religion, so this may have more to do with that individual band than punk rock revival bands in general. The second category of songs is those that use female characters alongside male characters in an anecdotal lyrical format. Representations of women in this way tend to portray them in ways that are not gender specific. The next category is the use of women in stereotypical roles as descriptors of the type of society or setting that is being created in the song. While these representations of women tend to cast women in traditional, subordinate ways, they are more a commentary on the place of women within those societies than the way the band itself actually views women. The fourth category is songs that deal directly with women’s issues. Due to space constraints I can only give a few examples of each type, but in the appendix is a list of songs by these groups that mention women and the way in which women are mentioned.
            Not all of the songs released by these bands portray women in a non-sexist light, but the songs that lyrically treat women poorly are not connected by any sort of overriding category and thus seem somewhat individual. There is a minor theme of jilted lovers speaking poorly of their former loves, as can be seen in Dope Sick, Girl by Rancid, which portrays a woman’s insecurity as attractive, and Anti-Flag’s Drink, Drank, Punk which talks about the regret of a one night stand with a woman who turned out to be unattractive. All of the songs that treat women with varying degrees of sexism have to do with relationships and as such are speaking about individual women and not women as a group or portraying them as characters in a society. One variation from this trend is the Bad Religion song Evangeline, a love song about a punk rock girl that shows her as a strong individual.
            Punk rock is the music of the rebellious teen, fighting against the controlling forces of society, an image easily represented through parents. While a parent of either gender could be used to represent society equally well, the mother is overwhelmingly the preferred choice. As a symbol of society, the mother is treated as a personification of society’s attempts to homogenize and control individuals in one of two ways, either through an actual controlling force or as person who has been completely controlled by society. The first of these can be seen in Rancid’s song The Wars End which contains the line: “Little Sammy was a punk rocker//you know his mother never understood him” and the second in the Bad Religion song 21st Century Digital Boy which attacks both parents as complacent products of modern society in the lyrics “Daddy’s a lazy middle class intellectual//Mommy’s on valium, so ineffectual”. Parents are also used as a stand in for society as something to be impressed, which the punk rock children inevitably fail at doing because of their failure to adhere to expected societal norms. This is exemplified in the Bad Religion song Incomplete, which begins with “Mother, Father, look at your little monster, //I’m a hero, I’m a zero, // I’m the butt of the worst joke in history”.  
Another form of symbolic kinship is seen in the use of phrases like “brothers and sisters” and “sons and daughters” to highlight a universal comradeship between people facing the same struggles, regardless of gender. This lyrical structure tends to treat both genders in the same way, as is seen in the Anti-Flag songs No Borders, No Nations which contains the lyrics “A government run by the corporations of the world//Enslaving mothers, fathers, sons, and daughters” and A New Kind of Army, which says “We’re looking for a few good men//We’re looking for a few good womyn”. This quotation from A New Kind of Army shows Anti-Flag’s consciousness of feminism through their adoption of the alternate spelling of “woman” as “womyn”; this is seen any time they use that word from 1998 onward. Gender equal comradeship is by far one of the dominant ways in which women are referred to in the songs that I examined, and it shows an underlying belief in equality between genders in the collective psyche of punk rock.
            The next category is of women as characters in a lyrical form common to many genres, including punk rock, that I will call the “anecdote”. In the anecdote format, short vignettes are told about multiple characters in order to tell a story, often of the effects of something or to create an image of a part of society. This is exemplified in the Bad Religion song You Don’t Belong, which uses this technique to describe the misfit youths to whom the song is dedicated. This song is also interesting in its causal mention of gender-deviant ways of performing gender. “Jack wore a skirt but he knew how to scrap//Billy went to county on a class one possession//Wendy went to school while her daddy shot smack//Eugene kept a list//Mugger was security//Mary she kept her purity//We were all in it together”. In one stanza of Rancid’s song Rats in the Hallway a heroin addict named Mya accosts the narrator, but in the next stanza it is the junkie Johnny whose addiction adds to the derelict setting of the apartment complex. These songs use descriptions of characters in an anecdotal way to describe a setting, but do so in such a way that does not rely on traditional gender roles. A third category of representations of women does exactly the opposite and is for that reason the most potentially problematic.
            Punk rock songs often create exaggerated settings to illuminate social ills or ironies, and one way in which they manage this is through the use of stereotypical female characters. At first listen these songs appear to be reinforcing stereotyped gender roles and treating women in sexist ways, but upon further examination it becomes clear that these images of women are not intended to be a comment on how women ought to be treated but rather on the roles that various types of society force them into. This is clear in Rancid’s song Hoover Street, which opens with a description of an immigrant prostitute to set the scene of the ghetto described by the song. The use of female characters in this way shows an acknowledgement of the unique ways in which other struggles, such as class, race, and consumerism, affect women and how the women shaped by these struggles then affect their communities.
            The final category of songs dealing with women are those dealing directly with “women’s issues”, especially abortion and women in the media. It is interesting to note that in my analysis I came across no songs that spoke negatively of feminist activism. Bad Religion and Anti-Flag both have released songs against restrictions on abortions, Don’t Pray on Me and No Apology respectively. From No Apology, “Making it illegal won't make it go away//the rich will fly to far off lands, the poor will stay and pray//that their back alley abortion is clean and safe//you can't make it go away,//so why endanger womyn's lives?” Additionally, all three bands have songs that attack the media’s unrealistic and damaging portrayals of women. Rancid’s Antennas begins with the blunt line “You’re selling sexism, you’re selling racism”, while Anti-Flag’s You’ll Scream Tonight describes how advertising utilizes over-sexualized women to sell products. While these songs are a definite minority, the fact that all male groups chose to tackle these issues when they could have just as easily dismissed them show that the feminist agenda of the Riot Grrrl movement may have had an impact on the subject matter that these bands chose to focus on.
            In conclusion, the Riot Grrrl movement’s combination of punk rock culture with feminist beliefs created a powerful subculture that impacted the lyrical content of popular male bands of the 1990s. While there is no evidence of direct influence or collaboration between women involved in the Riot Grrrl movement and the male bands of the punk revival that I examined, that these two movements occurred simultaneously within the same genre of music indicates that they were influenced by each other. The relatively equal treatment of women in the lyrics of these bands, as well as the fact that even the least political of the three examined has a song about women’s issues, shows that these bands were cognizant of feminism and operated in such a way as not to aggressively uphold masculine dominance.


Works Cited

Bag, Alice. “Work that Hoe: Tilling the Soil of Punk Feminism.” Women & Performance: a
Journal of Feminist Theory. 22.2-3 (2012):233-238. ProQuest. Web. 21 Nov. 2013.

Butler, Judith. 1988. Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory. Theatre Journal 40(4): 519-531.

Cranny-Francis, Anne and Wendy E. Waring. 2003. Femininity, Masculinity, and Fashion. Gender Studies: Terms and Debates. Palgrave MacMillan. 197-205.

Downes, Julia. “The Expansion of Punk Rock: Riot Grrrl Challenges to Gender Power Relations in British Indie Music Subcultures.” Women’s Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 41.2 (2012):204-237. Literary Reference Center. Web. 21 Nov,  2013.

Dunn, Kevin, and May Summer Farnsworth. “‘We ARE the Revolution’: Riot Grrrl Press, Girl Empowerment, and DIY Self-Publishing.” Women’s Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 41.2 (2012): 136-157. Literary Reference Center. Web. 22 Nov. 2013.

Garrison, Ednie Kaeh. "U.S. Feminism-Grrrl Style! Youth (Sub)Cultures and the Technologics of the Third Wave." Feminist Studies 26.1 (2000): 141-70. ProQuest. Web. 25 Nov. 2013.

Leblanc, Lauraine. Pretty in Punk: Girls’ Gender Resistance In A Boys’ Subculture. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers, University Press, 1999. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 19 Nov. 2013.

Wollstonecraft, Mary. 2002. Excerpt from “A Vindication of the Rights of Woman.” An Introduction to Women’s Studies: Gender in a Transnational World. I. Grewal and C. Kaplan, Eds. McGraw Hill. 170-172.

Other Sources:

"Anti-Flag." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/74476>.

"Bad Religion." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online.Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/36240>.

"Punk." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/52163>.

"Rancid." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/62752>.


Songs Referenced:

Anti-Flag. "Angry, Young, and Poor." Underground Network. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2001.
Anti-Flag. "Anti-Violent." North America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Betty Sue is Dead." Their System Doesn't Work For You. By Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 1998. 
Anti-Flag. "Born to Die." North America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Confused Youth." Die for the Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Drink Drank Punk." Die for the Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Gifts from America; With Love, The U.S.A." BYO Split Series Volume IV. By Justin Sane. BYO Records, Los Angeles, 2002. 
Anti-Flag. "I'm Having a Good Day." North America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996. 
Anti-Flag. "Mind the G.A.T.T." The Terror State. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2003.                                                                                                                                               
Anti-Flag. "No Apology." A New Kind of Army. By Justin Sane. Go-Kart Records, New York, 1999.
Anti-Flag. "No Borders, No Nations." BYO Split Series Volume IV. By Justin Sane. BYO Records, Los Angeles, 2002. 
Anti-Flag. "Power to the Peaceful." The Terror State. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2003. 
Anti-Flag. "Right to Choose." Mobilize. By Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 2002. 
Anti-Flag. "Spaz's House Destruction Party [Live]." Mobilize. By Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 2002. 
Anti-Flag. "Summer Squatter Go Home." Die for the Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996. 
Anti-Flag. "You'll Scream Tonight." North America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996. 
Bad Religion. "American Jesus." Recipe for Hate. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Bad Religion. "Anesthesia." Against the Grain. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1990.
Bad Religion. "Boot Stamping on a Human Face Forever." The Empire Strikes First. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2004.
Bad Religion. "Broken." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion. "Cease." The Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996. 
Bad Religion. "Chasing the Wild Goose." Into the Unknown. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1983. 
Bad Religion. "The Defense." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002. 
Bad Religion. "Doin' Time." How Could Hell Be Any Worse?. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1982.
Bad Religion. "Don't Pray on Me." Recipe for Hate. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993. 
Bad Religion. "Drastic Actions." Bad Religion. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1981.
Bad Religion. "Drunk Sincerity." The Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996. 
Bad Religion. "Epiphany." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion. "Evangeline." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002. 
Bad Religion. "Heaven is Falling." Generator. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "Hooray For Me." Stranger than Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994. 
Bad Religion. "The Hopeless Housewife." The New America. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 2000. 
Bad Religion. "Incomplete." Stranger than Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994.
Bad Religion. "Land of Competition." Suffer. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1988.
Bad Religion. "No Direction." Generator. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "Pity the Dead." The Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996.
Bad Religion. "The Streets of America." The Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996.
Bad Religion. "Struck a Nerve." Recipe for Hate. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Bad Religion. "Television." Stranger than Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994.
Bad Religion. "Two Babies in the Dark." Generator. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "White Trash (2nd Generation)." How Could Hell Be Any Worse?. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1982.
Bad Religion. "You." No Control. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1989.
Bad Religion. "You Don't Belong." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002. 
Bad Religion. "21st Century (Digital Boy)." Against the Grain. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1990.
Rancid. "Adina." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993. 
Rancid. "Another Night." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993. 
Rancid. "Antennas." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2000. CD.
Rancid. "As Wicked." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Back Up Against The Wall." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003. 
Rancid. "The Ballad of Jimmy and Johnny." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994. 
Rancid. "Cash, Culture, and Violence." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998. 
Rancid. "Cocktails." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Corazon de Oro." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Detroit." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Rancid. "Dope Sick, Girl." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid. "Fall Back Down." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003. 
Rancid. "Hoover Street." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998. 
Rancid. "Let's Go." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994. 
Rancid. "Memphis." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "New Dress." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Not to Regret." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2000. 
Rancid. "Olympia WA." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Rats in the Hallway." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Rancid. "Red Hot Moon." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "Roots Radicals." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Ruby Soho." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "She's Automatic." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "St. Mary." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994. 
Rancid. "Stand Your Ground." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "Tenderloin." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid. "Time Bomb." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Tropical London." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "The Wars End." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995. 
Rancid. "You Don't Care Nothin'." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.

Rancid. "The 11th Hour." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.

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