Imaging Black Women in Popular Media

 

The Representation of Black Women in the Media

by Ashleigh Williams and Michelle Lee

Our nation was founded on the principle “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are "Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness”. However, throughout the course of history, it has become evident that these unalienable rights are only granted to white men. Individuals who are not protected by this particular race and gender category have been historically subjected to legal sanctions that are indicative of their subordination in society. Thus, a social hierarchy has emerged in which groups of individuals are ranked based on their race and gender respectively, placing black women at the bottom of this system. Due to their low rank in this system, black women have continuously faced various forms of exploitation in the public sphere. This public exploitation has been and is currently manifested in media outlets such as films and television shows. The exploitation of black women in the media is related to Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies because it analyzes the representations of a specific group of women in the media as well as the ways in which oppression of gender and race intersect. While dominant feminist rhetoric critiques the representations of women in the media, it does little to recognize the importance of the intersection of race and gender in our society. This paper will focus on the intersection of race and gender by employing Black Feminist Theory to analyze the representation of black women in the media.

Before we begin our analyses of contemporary representations of African American women in media, it is important to briefly recount the historical experiences of this group in order to trace the origins of these stereotypical representations. For their entire existence in the United States, black women have been subjected to marginalization based on the white-supremacist, male dominant cultural beliefs inherent in our society. These cultural beliefs, coupled with the colonial necessity of expansionism and domination, contributed to the development of slavery in the United States. Slavery is one of the most important social institutions that has shaped both the experiences and perceptions of black women in American society. Within their strictly controlled roles in this system of oppression, dominant stereotypes about African American women emerged. These stereotypes were used to evaluate and set the standard for black women’s behaviors. The two prominent stereotypes that came from slavery are the mammy and jezebel. The most recognizable stereotype of African American women is of the mammy, who was a slave that was responsible for caring for the owner’s children (Banks 2008). The mammy archetype represents the black woman as a content and loyal domestic servant who puts the needs of her owners’ family before her own. Opposite of the mammy is the jezebel, who is a hypersexualized image of the black woman. During this period, it was common for white, male owners to rape their female slaves. Black women came to be viewed as welcoming this sexual activity, which eventually led to the belief that all black women had a heightened and animalistic sexual appetite (Banks 2008). These stereotypes are reflective of the lack of agency that black women faced under the oppression of a racist and sexist institution. As African American women gained more agency throughout the 20th century, new stereotypes emerged. In contrast to the previous stereotypes, the new stereotypes criticized black women for having too much agency as opposed to none at all.

After the abolishment of slavery, African American women actively confronted the issue of inequality in American society. During the 1950’s and 1960’s, African American women such as Rosa Parks, Septima Clark, and Ella Baker were instrumental in movements that sought to advance the predicament of black women in the US. When compared to previous stereotypes held about African American women, the actions of these women appeared to the dominant social group as overly aggressive and hostile. Thus, the image of the sapphire and the super woman were born. The sapphire characterized black women as angry, loud, controlling, confrontational, and emasculating (Sims 2006). In the home, she challenged the traditional role as a submissive wife and vigorously challenged her husband’s authority, while in public she challenged the existing social hierarchy that placed her at the bottom. This newfound strength was also caricatured in the super woman image, which portrayed black women as “rough and tough, yet sexy and caring” (Banks 79). In contrast to more traditional family dynamics, this image portrayed black women as being protectors of their families and the black community as a whole. Ironically, this reinforced the belief that black women were the cause of black men’s lack of power in society. Regardless of the characteristics ascribed to black women, they were always portrayed as negative. When black women were viewed as submissive, this was transformed into negative stereotypes that justified their degradation. This was not the case for white women during the same time period. The submissiveness of white women was seen as a positive attribute and was considered the feminine ideal. As black women gained their voices to obtain recognition, they were now considered to be aggressive. A new body of knowledge emerged, collectively referred to as Black Feminist Theory, to recognize the experiences of black women and to dispel these negative stereotypes.

During a time when marginalized groups, such as African Americans and women, were fighting for equality, black women felt that the Civil Rights Movement and the Women’s Movement did not represent their interests. Thus, the Black Feminist Theory is a body of knowledge that grew out of, and in response, to both movements. According to Black Feminist Theory, black women disproportionately experience oppression because they are the least protected by their social group (that is, race and gender status). The sentiment among black women at this time was that, ‘“black’ was equated with black men and ‘woman’ was equated with white women” (Collins 24). Thus, black female thinkers developed theory to adequately address the way in which race, gender, and class were interconnected in their lives. This analytical viewpoint employs an intersectional analysis, which is described as a “multilayered analysis of how multiple oppressions result in different experiences for different groups of women” (Luna 351). The experiences of black women are different in that they do not fit within the boundaries of traditional race and gender oppressions, so in order to fully understand their experiences, we must look at the intersection of racism and sexism (Crenshaw 1991). A core tenet of Black Feminist Theory is that the intersecting oppressions of race, gender, and sexuality could not be justified without the existence of negative stereotypes such as the mammy, jezebel, sapphire, and superwoman (Collins 2000). Furthermore, Patricia Hill Collins states that “these controlling images are designed [by the dominant social group] to make racism, sexism, poverty, and other forms of social injustice appear to be natural, normal, and inevitable parts of everyday life” (Collins 69). This is reflective of black women’s status in the social hierarchy and is created and maintained by images throughout popular culture. Media has the power to influence and shape of cultural myths about an ethnic group, and in this way, the representation of African American women in the media can be viewed as “a valid historical document reflecting predominant attitudes, conscious or unconscious, in American culture” (Sims 2006). For this analysis, we are critiquing two contemporary films and a performance from the annual MTV Video Music Awards show. These examples illustrate 1) the survival of these negative stereotypes over time, 2) their widespread usage throughout media, and 3) the acceptance of these stereotypes as valid.

Scary Movie is a horror-comedy spoof film that parodies several late 1990’s films such as I Know What You Did Last Summer and The Sixth Sense. I chose to analyze this film for two reasons. First, Scary Movie was one of the highest grossing films in 2000. In fact, Dimension Films heavily stressed to the public that they would not produce a sequel to the film, but due to the film’s immense popularity, they released four sequels. Additionally, the cast is primarily white, featuring only one African American actress. This is important for my analysis because the film discretely sends a message about how African American women interact with white people.

The scene I will analyze takes place in a crowded movie theater. Brenda (the African American actress) is on a date with her boyfriend to see a Shakespeare film, and they are the only African Americans in attendance. Brenda’s boyfriend goes to the restroom, leaving Brenda alone for a few minutes. As soon as she is alone, she whips out some fried chicken that is wrapped in aluminum foil and a bottle of hot sauce. She begins eating her snack, all the while loudly commenting on the film. Around her, the moviegoers are growing angry because of her rowdy and obnoxious behavior. Eventually, one of the moviegoers grows tired of her loudness and tells her to shut up. Brenda begins to scream at the man even more loudly and even extends her insults to those who did not confront her. Throughout this scene, she is rolling her eyes and her neck, putting her hands in people’s faces, and displays an extremely bitter and negative attitude. The confrontation ends when Brenda believes her boyfriend has returned from the bathroom. In actuality, it is the serial killer that has been haunting the town for weeks. As the serial killer is taking his knife out to kill Brenda, a moviegoer takes the knife from him and stabs Brenda himself. Everyone in the theater gets in on the action, taking turns stabbing, beating, or kicking her. Brenda staggers to the platform directly in front of the screen and collapses. The theater erupts in applause in celebration of her death, and the moviegoers continue to watch the film as if nothing happened.

When I first saw the film, I thought it was hilarious! But after taking this course, I have developed a feminist perspective that is hard to overcome. Now, watching this film is deeply troubling for me. The first thing that is problematic in this scene is the fact that she is eating fried chicken and hot sauce. One of the most static stereotypes about black people in general is that they enjoy this particular food, and this scene is playing on this belief in a comedic way. Also, Brenda’s character is the epitome of the sapphire image. The sapphire has been historically portrayed as a woman who is  “tart-tongued”, one who often “violently and rhythmically rocks her head” when speaking, and who flies through “irrational states of anger” (Sims 32). This description of the sapphire recounts Brenda’s character in this scene almost flawlessly. Brenda irrationally gets upset with the other patrons in the theater due to her tart tongue and dramatically rolls her neck and eyes throughout the argument. She has an extremely bitter attitude for no logical reason. Additionally, Brenda’s demeanor is in direct opposition to the European ideal of a docile, submissive woman. This masculinizes Brenda, and in a sense, black women as a whole and portrays them as extremely volatile and confrontational. As a result of these depictions, black women are then viewed as masculine, and therefore, undeserving of affection from men. Furthermore, Brenda’s abrasive character makes the consumer feel sympathetic to her boyfriend because he is charged with the difficult task of putting up with Brenda’s confrontational attitude. This further suggests that black women are viewed as undesirable to both white and black men.  This masculinization of black women can also serve to justify their subjugation in society.

Sapphires, and specifically Brenda in this scene, are notoriously hard to get along with, and this is illustrated by the fact that she engages in a heated argument with an entire theater of patrons. This sends the subliminal message to consumers that African American women are confrontational, bitchy, and hard to deal with. This message is further ingrained when the moviegoers murder Brenda because they are only able to achieve peace when the obnoxious black woman is killed. The murder itself suggests that the only viable solution to the problem of bitchy black women is to permanently silence them. All other methods will only result in an increase in her rage.

Additionally, it is important to note that in this scene, Brenda is considered to deserve the violence that ends in her death due to her confrontational nature. The viewers grow to genuinely dislike her, so no one minds that she is brutally murdered in the theater. In fact, her murder calls for celebration! This sort of justification has been and is currently widely used in society in general. Because of black women’s particular characteristics, the dominant social group has a perfectly sound justification for subjecting this group to violence and oppression.

The second film I will analyze is Tyler Perry’s Diary of a Mad Black Woman. I chose this film because it, like the previous film I discussed, was immensely popular and was one of the top grossing films of 2005. The main character, Madea, was so popular that she is the star of seven sequels that collectively make up the “Madea” film franchise. For the purposes of this analysis, we will focus on the representation of the mammy archetype through Madea’s character in Diary of a Mad Black Woman.

The film centers on the struggles of a woman, Helen, who is going through a particularly ugly divorce. After her husband violently throws her out of their home, she goes to Madea’s house for safety. When Helen arrives, it is very late in the night, and she catches Madea by surprise. Madea kicks the door open, yielding a loaded pistol. Once everything is straightened out, Madea welcomes Helen into her home and invites her to stay overnight. When Helen enters the home, Madea’s brother calls out “Who that is knockin’ on the door this late?”. Madea tells him not to worry about it and to go back to sleep. However, her brother presses further, telling her “I’m serious! I’m putting my foot down!”, to which she replies “Kunta Kinte put his foot down and it got chopped off. Now take yo ass to bed!”.  The next morning, Helen enters the kitchen and runs into Deborah, a methamphetamine addict whom Madea looks after. Madea is busily bustling around the kitchen to prepare breakfast, all the while her breasts and butt are exaggeratedly swinging around. After Deborah leaves, Helen asks Madea why she is taking care of her. Madea tells Helen that she feels an obligation to look after people and that it’s a part of her nature.

There are several problematic issues with Madea’s character in this film. First and perhaps most problematic, her character is played by Tyler Perry dressed in drag. Therefore, Madea has subtle, masculine qualities that arise from the fact that it is a man dressed in drag. For example, she hovers over all the women (and some men) in the film, has rough hands, broad shoulders, and a deep voice. Additionally, Madea is a heavy-set woman with extremely large breasts and a large backside. Combined, these characteristics form what bell hooks refers to a “masculinized sub-human characteristics” (hooks 1996). The mammy’s voluptuous body was in stark contrast to the thin, often corseted frame of white women at the time of the inception of this archetype. This masculinization of the mammy image was used to maintain the white supremacist and patriarchal idea that white women represented the femininity in its purest form (Collins 2000). Thus, the mammy’s large frame represents the antithesis of the American conception of beauty, femininity, and womanhood.

Additionally, Madea’s speech pattern reveals a “bossy, domineering, and uneducated character”, which is consistent with the historical mammy archetype (Sims 2006). Throughout the previous scene I described, Madea says “chillins” instead of “children” , “yo” instead of “your”, and generally does not speak proper English. This serves to show that African American women are uneducated and provides justification for keeping them on the periphery of society and denying them certain privileges. Furthermore, Madea demonstrates a domineering and abrasive nature when she answers the door and almost shoots her granddaughter. Immediately following that, she emasculates her brother when he attempts to exert power over her. Her attitude demonstrates that black women are in stark opposition to the docile and submissive feminine ideal that is perpetuated in society. The mammy’s placement at the periphery of society indicates that she is deemed to be of a lesser status that the dominant social group.

Lastly, Madea is the caretaker of the community and does this by feeding people and giving them a place to stay. The scene I previously described is pretty typical of her actions throughout the film; her life seems to revolve around domestic work. One of the most salient characteristics of the mammy archetype is that she is content and happy carrying out the domestic needs of the family that she works for (Collins 2000). In this way, African American women were viewed as only suitable for domestic work and have been historically shutout from other career paths. As Evelyn Nakano Glenn stresses in her essay, "Women and Labor Migration", women of European descent did not have to work outside the home because their husbands earned enough that this was not necessary. Ethnic families did not enjoy the same luxuries, and thus, ethnic women needed to secure work outside of the home. The only positions that were available to them were domestic work, and their concentration in this field “reinforced their degraded status in society” (Glenn). Domestic work became “more or less synonymous badges of inferiority” (Glenn). In conclusion, Madea’s statement that it is “in her nature” to care for people perpetuates the idea that black women are only suitable for careers in the domestic sphere. Thus, the stereotype that African American women are unworthy of employment outside of the household is perpetuated by Madea’s uneducated speech pattern and by the fact that she is content with doing housework.

What is to be said about the fact that both films are comedies? Would these comedies have been so successful if the black actresses were white? I believe that part of the success of both the films stems from the fact that an African American woman is the source of the comedy. African American womanhood has been the source of public ridicule and humiliation for decades. Both of these films propagate ideas about the inferiority of black womanhood to traditional femininity. Additionally, both Brenda and (especially) Madea exhibit speech patterns that suggest that the women are uneducated. Due to this publicly accepted mockery of black womanhood and intelligence, therein lies the justification for the oppression and subjugation of this group.

Aside from films, television is another source of media that is used to reflect the public exploitation and negative portrayal of black women in society. From her backup dancers to her sexual gestures and attire, Miley Cyrus’ recent performance in the 2013 MTV Video Music Awards (VMA’s) is a prime example of how popular culture on television shows can create and maintain black women’s social status and oppression. At the start of her performance, Miley appears dressed in a skimpy teddy bear one-piece, which she later takes off to reveal a tight nude bikini. Two pigtail buns and continuous dramatic exposures of her tongue finish off her childish yet scanty look. As she starts dancing and “twerking out” to the introduction music, the stage is set with a big robotic teddy bear and she is accompanied by backup dancers dressed also as teddy bears who, interestingly, all happen to be black voluptuous women. Throughout the performance, she is seen making sexual gestures to not only her body, but the bodies of others. In one shot of her performance, the camera captures her shaking her face in and slapping the exposed fleshy butt of one of her backup dancers whose face is covered with a teddy bear mask. As her performance transitions into a collaboration with Robin Thicke, she is seen wearing a foam hand which she uses as a sexual prop to fondle his body and her own. Despite him being twenty years her senior, she continues to grind on him and makes sexual facial expressions and bodily gestures.  

Following this highly publicized event, many critics accused Miley Cyrus of “slut-shaming”, a term used to admonish women whose behaviors seem more sexual than what is socially acceptable. Because everything about her VMA performance was so drastically different from her former innocent Hannah Montana days, people were quick to point out her newfound promiscuity and sexuality, which was evident in her costume and dance. Few, however, pointed out the racial implications from her performance. Interestingly enough, it was rumored that in the making of her new album, Miley Cyrus had actually requested music that sounded “black”. If this was the case, then it seems like her VMA performance was a reflection of what she narrowly thought best represented the epitome of black music and culture. Thus, it may not be her own sexuality, but rather, the hypersexuality and objectification of black women that is being exposed through her performance.

Throughout history, hypersexuality and objectification have been negatively attributed to and used against black women. According to Black Feminist Theorists, the emergence and prevalence of the jezebel image has been used to justify both of these concepts in which black women are seen as animalistic in their increased sexual appetites and thus seen as objects to satiate white man’s sexual desires (Banks 2008). In this specific example regarding Miley Cyrus’s VMA performance, from a Black Feminist Theoretical lens, it can be said that the hypersexuality of black women is presented in the dramatization of Miley’s dancing. “Twerking”, a dance that involves a shaking of the hips and butt, was first introduced to American popular culture through songs and music videos by black artists. In fact, the act of “twerking” has also been compared to the dance of traditional Africans. By showing off her “twerking” skills on stage while surrounded by black women backup dancers, Miley demonstrates that she too can be black and sexual and ultimately be like a black woman. Her dance is an imitation of what she thinks all black women are supposed to be like and do. This reinforces Black Feminist Theory because as a part of the dominant social group (white), she is helping to construct and reinscribe not only a constricted view of black culture, but also the hypersexual image of black women and their bodies as the embodiment of sex and as sexually deviant (Collins 2000).

The objectification of her black backup dancers serves to further hypersexualize black women and negatively portrays them as jezebels. In choosing all black women backup dancers with noticeably voluptuous butts, it seems that Miley views their curves as a part of their black womanhood and their bodies as sexual objects. This supports the Black Feminist view that recognizes the commodification and exploitation of black women’s bodies as “markers of status” that place them low in the social hierarchy that relies on race and gender (Collins 2000). In addition, the sexually suggestive slaps and gestures towards one specific backup dancer, who is seen with her face covered in a teddy bear mask, demonstrates the devaluation black women’s bodies. The faceless body of that one backup dancer is not seen or respected as the body of a woman but instead is used as a prop for entertainment purposes. The way in which the backup dancer exposes her butt and lets Miley publicly slap and play with it, also promotes the idea that black women are hypersexual and that they “want” it. This view of all black women as jezebels who “want it” due to their supposed animalistic sexual appetite is the same view and justification that was held by white men who raped black women throughout slavery (Banks 2008). Thus, this very hypersexual and racist nature of this performance contributes to the oppression of black women by maintaining negative images.

Though there are numerous genres of television shows, I specifically chose to critique this example, a performance from the MTV Video Music Awards, for set reasons. First and foremost, MTV is a television channel that is geared towards the youth and teens. The annual Video Music Awards gives artists a chance to perform their music while also showcasing their contribution to the popular culture of that year. What is displayed on this show, like any other show, reinforces society’s ideals. Nevertheless, Miley Cyrus’s performance this year was especially representative of the survival of these negative stereotypes of black women over time. From the content and nature of her performance, it is evident that the jezebel image of black women is still ingrained in our popular culture and media and thought of as a form of entertainment. The widespread usage of these stereotypes throughout media is also very visible. Miley Cyrus’s performance was not the only one that contained negative stereotypes of black women. The performance that followed Miley’s, which included rappers 2 Chainz and Kendrick Lamar, also included primarily black women in skin tight clothing who were either dancing provocatively or holding up props. However, Miley’s performance was the one to be criticized and spread throughout other media outlets because it was the epitome of public exploitation of black women. As a white woman, she not only hypersexualized but racialized these black women, thus contributing to the negative oppressive connotation of her performance. Lastly, MTV’s most recent announcement selecting Miley Cyrus as the Best Artist of 2013 supports the acceptance of these stereotypes as valid. The fact is, despite what her performance entailed, her music is still widely popular and loved by many. Therefore, this mirrors the leniency and overall acceptance that many feel towards the oppression of black women.

In order to fully understand the power of these images, we must first unravel the definition of violence. The Oxford Dictionary defines violence as “the exercise of physical force as to inflict injury on, or cause damage to, persons or property” (Collins 921). However, this definition glosses over the effect that power hierarchies have on what is defined as violence. According to Patricia Hill Collins, violence is not only committed on an individual-to-individual basis, but it is committed through social hierarchies on a group-to-group basis. Some forms of speech are designed to belittle and humiliate the victim, to communicate to them that they are worthless, and to demonstrate their subjugated “place” in the social hierarchy. Collins argues that physical violence needs a climate of fear and terror to operate, and this climate is created and maintained by verbal assaults. Thus, the definition of violence needs to be broadened to include speech and forms of institutional violence. For example, African American women fall victim to sexual assault, but due to the stereotype that black women are hypersexual, they are often not considered victims of violence (Collins 1998). In this case, the dominant group’s speech has contributed to the incidence of violence against African American women by creating the idea that they welcome acts of sexual aggression, yet, speech remains outside of traditional definitions of violence (Collins 1998). Once we adopt Collins’ redefined concept of violence, we are able to begin to unravel the effects of these images on the perception of black women in society.

            For some individuals, the only exposure they have to black women are those on the screen, so the images constructed by the media serve to demonstrate what “real” black women are. However, the “real” representation of black women has effectively been erased from history. In order for one group to dominate another, the subordinate group must be objectified to justify their domination. As bell hooks asserts, “as objects, one’s reality is defined by others, one’s identity is created by others, one’s history is constructed [by those in power]”. The historical representation of African American women as jezebels, mammies, sapphires, and superwomen were created “not to reflect or represent a reality, but to function… [as an] objective of social relations” (Collins 70). These repeated, fictitious representations of black womanhood came to be and still is considered a valid history of black women in broader society. The intricate and complex history of African American women has been completely erased by the dominant group and replaced with images that further their agenda of domination. In order for us to prevent this pattern from spreading onto our future generations, more must be done. The emergence of Black Feminist Theory has addressed this interconnection between race and gender; yet, films, television shows, and other media outlets continue to display these negative portrayals. The immense popularity of these images is reflective of the fact that these stereotypes are deeply ingrained into and accepted by our culture. Though we do not know the exact measures it will take to rid society of these stereotypes, what we do know is that it’s going to include a complete transformation of our existing social structures to undo the effects of generations of oppression.

Works Cited

Banks, Ingrid. "Women In FIlm." African Americans and Popular Culture. Westport, CT: ABC CLIO, 2008. Print.

Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. New York: Routledge, 2000. Print.

--1998. The Tie that Binds: Race, Gender and US Violence. Ethnic and Racial Studies 21(5): 917-938.

Crenshaw, Kimberle. "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and

Violence Against Women of Color." Stanford Law Review 43.6 (1991): 1241-229. Print.

Glenn, Evelyn Nakanno. Women and Labor Migration. An Introduction to Women’s Studies: Gender in a Transnational World. I. Grewal and C. Kaplan, Eds. McGraw Hill. 478-482.

hooks, bell. Reel to Real: Race, Sex, and Class at the Movies. New York, NY: Routledge, 1996. Print.

Luna, Zakiya. 2009. From Rights to Justice: Women of Color Changing the Face of US Reproductive Rights Organizing. Societies without Borders. 4: 343-365

Sims, Yvonne D. Women of Blaxploitation: How the Black Action Film Heroine Changed American Popular Culture. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2006. Print.

Black Womanhood in the Media

The Black Media Market: The Fine Line between Empowering and Stereotyping Black Womanhood

(Case Study of Diary of a Mad Black Woman and Think Like a Man) 

by K. Ablorh and M. Fraling

          In the mass media, the black female perspective is often neglected, misinterpreted, or completely ignored. The black media market, an industry comprised of predominantly black actors, constitutes one of the main mediums for black female portrayal (Gooding 36). Despite its connection to the black community, the black media market depicts a false image of black womanhood. In films like the Diary of A Mad Black Woman, black media incorporates the “crazed” stereotype of Madea or black “mammies.” By doing so, the images depict black womanhood as aggressive, unattractive and masculine. Moreover, in Think Like A Man, the sexy Jezebel character perpetuates the false notion of black women as overly sexual. By using these gendered roles, black media constructs a version of femininity/masculinity that adheres to the false stereotypes. Additionally, black media depicts black female beauty through an Anglo-Saxon lens. As a result, black media constructs a false “notion of normality” that hinders the agency of black women (McDougall 1). Nevertheless, as the black female audience consumes media images, the false portrayals affect the perception of self. Through the character analysis of black female roles and results from survey data, we explore the ways in which the U.S. black media market perpetuates black female stereotypes, how the images cripple the understanding of black womanhood, and the potential effects on the black female identity.

In media, there are certain perceived realities of black women. The ongoing portrayal of these stereotypes further stigmatizes the false ideologies, thereby allowing these ideologies to become the reality that people expect. One of these false personalities is called “Madea” who is a “male mammy” portrayed by Tyler Perry in his series of films and plays. In Ain’t I a Woman, feminist scholar bell hooks explores the historical construction of the Madea character. She explains that during reconstruction, white society depicted the black female as “the opposite image” of white womanhood (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 84). By doing so, white elites hoped to maintain patriarchy and ensure their own hierarchical position. During this process, white women used the image of the mammy to subvert black beauty. For example, the mammy wears unflattering clothing, is preferably obese and has a “bestial cow-like quality” (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 84). She is defined by her “grossly overweight, large-breasted [personhood,] who is desexualized, maternal, and nonthreatening to white people but who may be aggressive toward [black] men” (Chen 116). Moreover, by fiercely protecting the children, the mammy becomes a “nurturer” who poses no threat to the white patriarchy. Interestingly, black media has adopted this “white vision” of the black female and incorporated the mammy stereotype in current films (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 84).

                  With this in mind, as we examine the character of Madea in the film Diary of A Mad Black Woman, we see that she is portrayed as a humorous matriarchal figure that is both strong and independent. Despite her portrayal, the character of Madea only further appropriates the offensive notion that black women are vengeful, violent, and abrasive. For instance, during a particular scene in Diary of A Mad Black Woman, Madea accompanies her granddaughter Helen to her former estate. Just days ago, Helen’s husband forcefully moved her out of the mansion and demanded that she accept his divorce request. While dragging her, the husband told Helen that he planned to marry another woman who was the mother of his children. When Madea and Helen arrive at the estate, the two decide to raid the mistress’ wardrobe. After destroying the mistress’ clothes, Helen searches the house for money. Helen’s estranged husband then finds her searching for money in his study and promptly threatens her. As the scene progresses, Madea is still in the closet, laughing to herself about the destruction she and her granddaughter have caused. The self-righteous mistress then walks into the closet and confronts Madea about the clothing. Madea, not remorseful but confrontational, threatens to “beat the hell out of” the mistress who previously threatened to call the police. As both confrontations simultaneously escalate, Madea hears Helen’s husband abusing Helen and swiftly makes her way to come to her granddaughter’s defense. Madea bursts into the study space and wielding her gun yells, “PLEASE do it, PLEASE hit her, I want to SEE you do it!”—Insinuating that if she sees him hit Helen she will shoot him. Positively, Madea is portrayed as the heroine of this scene by rescuing her granddaughter from harm. After Helen instructs Madea to refrain from killing her husband, Madea leaves the study only to find a chainsaw. Then, she proceeds to manically saw a coach in half, seeing as how half of everything in the house legally belongs to Helen.

By including images of Madea swinging a gun recklessly and manically sawing a couch in half, the media portrays Madea as unpredictable, crazy, and pugnacious. The impact of stereotyping black women as “aggressive Madeas” translates into the fear, caution, and hostility black men and other races approach black women. We see this in the film through the frightened reactions of Helen’s husband and the mistress. Black women are perceived as “frighten[ing] to people” because society has a certain expectation that they are “kind of bitter” (Reid 34). This jaded portrayal in current black media potentially damages the perceived identity of black women because it “create[s] the feared Other” (Reid 67). The “feared Other” is the unpredictable, barbaric nature that blacks and other ethnicities have been perceived as by whites. This “feared Other” provides justification for members of society to dissociate black women and place them in aggressive roles like Madea (Reid 67). Characters similar to Madea provide unenlightened individuals the conviction that black women and blacks in general are animalistic, which then serves to detract the minimal femininity and reputation that black women have in media and reality. For instance, the subsequent ending of this scene is Madea laughing angrily to herself as she furiously attempts to saw away at the couch, only to have herself and her granddaughter, Helen, jailed for her misconduct. Scene depictions similar to this justify thoughts that black women are dangerously animalistic, and that the best way to subvert them is imprisonment. The current U.S. black media market enhances the perceived “crazy” of black women, which in turn affects how black women are perceived in society.

In addition to the mammy stereotype, society created a second image of black womanhood. During slavery, white society described the black woman as “sexually permissive” and deserving of exploitation (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 52). To legitimize their own actions, bell hooks argues that white slave-owners constructed the Jezebel stereotype. The slave-owners would insist that black females were “sexual savages” and as a result, the “animals” could not be raped (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 52). Ironically, white women would also blame their female counterparts and insist “they [black enslaved women] were the initiators of sexual relationships with men” (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 52). From such thinking, society adopted a Jezebel stereotype that portrayed black women as “sex objects and prostitutes” (bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman 58).

            Accordingly, the media adopted this image and further stigmatized the black female. For example, in the film Think Like A Man, there is a scene where Maya, played by Meagan Good, awakens from having a one-night-stand with a young man named Alex. After offering him coffee, Maya proceeds to the bedroom to “freshen up.” Before she exits, Maya runs back to kiss Alex one more time and warns him “don’t leave” to which he responds, “don’t worry, I won’t.” Once she closes the bathroom door, Alex rushes to escape. While posing for Alex, Maya comes out of the bathroom and discovers a note stating, “Michelle It was fun.” Once again, the sexy Jezebel character is used and abused. Although they had slept together, Alex not only forgot Maya’s name, but also made no attempt to call her by her actual name in later scenes. As a result, this fortifies the argument that although black women are sexy and attractive, they are neither given respect, nor do they have respect for themselves. In spite of this falsity, the lack of agency stereotype is only reinforced in films and the sexy Jezebel character hinders the progression of black women in media. This is an issue creating a double standard in the current U.S. black media market where black women are constantly pigeonholed into certain stigmatized identities, which then affect the perception of black women in real life.

Black women’s identities are constructed in two ways, by others and by themselves. Oftentimes, the identities that black women are confined to are the aggressor, as we see in the character Madea and the sexy Jezebel character that Meagan Good portrays. As a result, the conflicting identifications further these cultural stereotypes and cause people to construct their own identity with regard to what they view in the media. These perceptions of identity are firmly rooted in the idea that people become what they consume, meaning that these perceived identities are constructed. According to T.W. Volscho, racism is defined as highly organized system of race-based group privilege that operates at every level of society and is held together by the sophisticated ideology of color/race supremacy (675-676). Thus, we argue that cultural stereotypes are a form of systemic racism. These exaggerations sustain white supremacy/privilege and ultimately legitimize “the feared Other” (Reid 67). Altogether, these portrayals reinforce the notion that black women are not only objects, in the case of the Jezebel stereotype, but also adhere to the “male mammy” persona of a crazed and aggressive identity. Our main concern is that these portrayals then influence how society and the black female audience interpret black womanhood.

Increasingly, black films portray beauty through an Anglo-Saxon lens. As a result, there is a disconnect between the representation of beauty and the black female audience. For example, black women with Anglo-Saxon features, such as long flowing hair and a lighter skin tone, typically portray the “beautiful” woman. In Think Like a Man, for instance, the actresses who portray the “beautiful woman” have relaxed hair and are fairly light-skinned for black women. Using their Anglo-Saxon beauty, the women command the attention of their male counterparts. In one particular scene, Lauren exits her penthouse apartment building and walks towards Michael Ealy’s character Dominique. While doing so, Dominique’s eyes widen with hungry lust as he watches Lauren’s beautiful hair blow in the imaginary wind. Although this version of beauty empowers the Lauren character, it potentially harms the black female audience.

According to Lindy McDougall, the media creates a “notion of normality” that contradicts the reality (McDougall 1). She argues that because media images are consistently consumed, individuals perceive these portrayals as the “norm.” As people interpret these images, they begin to understand their natural selves through the portrayals. As a result, this potentially challenges those who do not fit the “norm.” For instance, in McDougall’s “Towards a clean slit“ she references the field of genital construction. She argues that the media creates an unrealistic “norm” of vaginal aesthetics by consistently portraying the female genitalia as “minimalist” and “symmetric” (McDougall 7). As women consume these images, they come to believe that their vaginas should look this way (McDougall 7). Accordingly, if their vaginas do not match these portrayals, women then alter themselves through reconstructive surgeries. As a result, McDougall contends that the media normalizes body modification and encourages people to alter themselves.

Drawing upon this theory, we argue that the black media market poses a similar threat to identity. By using a specific type of woman, black films portray a particular version of beauty. In Think Like a Man, this beauty includes the long flowing hair ideal of Anglo-Saxon women and an overall light-skin complexion. For black women who do not fit this mold, the dissonance forces them to realize that society considers their natural beauty as “abnormal” (McDougall 7). If these women try to obtain the “norm,” they essentially subvert their identities and subscribe to the unrealistic portrayals. As a result, media harms the black female’s perception of self and ultimately persuades her to comply with Anglo-Saxon standards.

Likewise, due to media portrayals of beauty, black women forfeit their agency by “embracing, taking pleasure in, and even feeling empowered by the cultural objectification” of the black female body (Baehr and Gray 46). Because actresses are representing an ideal that does not fully encompass the range of beauty in the black community, they ultimately portray these prejudiced conceptions of Anglo-Saxon perfection (Baehr and Gray 46). As a result, the black media market produces a mimicry of Anglo-Saxon features. Praising the Anglo-Saxon identity through the embodiment of Anglo-Saxon features gives black women their own perceived “beauty” agency. In reality, the embodiment of Anglo-Saxon features yields a false sense of agency. For example, because black women are confined to certain “beauty” stereotypes and appearances, they forfeit the opportunity to play roles outside of these constructed characters. This conformity to the overwhelming patriarchal and racist view of beauty only furthers the stereotyping of black women in U.S. media, despite black women feeling empowered by these stereotypes and their overall Anglo-Saxon appearance. A possible reason why black women feel empowered is that there is positive feedback in the midst of the negativity. The positive feedback demonstrates to what extent black women are recognized as beautiful which ultimately is attributed to how much they resemble white feminine ideals. The U.S. black media market provides an outlet of expression and an avenue of recognition for black women and that in of itself is a form of power.

Oftentimes, when the media portrays black womanhood, the black female character embodies masculinity. In the Diary of a Mad Black Woman, Tyler Perry portrays the character of Madea. As a black man, Perry incorporates his own masculinity when representing Madea. According to the feminist scholarly source, Turning It On there is an “effacement of postmodern culture” where these stereotypes of black women are not “merely embodied” but “explicitly thematized and celebrated” (Baehr and Gray 45). Because society celebrates these stereotypes, black male actors are encouraged to be exceedingly outrageous and offensive to black women (Baehr and Gray 45). This dramatization of black womanhood in roles like Madea deface the credibility of black women as actors, primarily because black men play these characters, and “[inaugurate] new constructions of the self” that are not an accurate or favorable depiction of the majority of black women (Baehr and Gray 45). The portrayal of black female characters by men demonstrates the extent to which being a black woman is perceived to be constructed and an act of men. The fact that men play these “mammy” roles accentuates the false notion that black women lack femininity. For instance, it is difficult to look at Madea and think “woman.” Though the character is herself a woman, the common knowledge that she is a man discredits any credibility that Madea has feminine-like qualities. She has a form of womanliness, but her bad make-up, sagging breasts, and oversized fashion make her a laughable character. As a result, this engenders the perception that black women have a form of womanliness but are also laughable and are pretending to be feminine when they are actually not.

            By portraying black women as men, black media enforces the notion that the black female lacks agency. For instance, according to David Valentine, society creates a form of representational violence. In “The Calculus of Pain” he argues that politicians, activists and feminist scholars use the term “transgender” to categorize an identity. To this point however, Valentine insists that the actors misinterpret the layers of “transgender” by trying to represent an identity in an encompassing category. For instance, he argues that groups like Genderpac, use narratives of transgender individuals to mobilize legislative reform. Because these stories cannot define the meaning of transgender, they present a false identity. As a result, Valentine contends that these actors limit the agency of “transgender” individuals and grossly misinterpret their stories (Valentine 48). Drawing upon this framework, we argue that the black media market creates a similar crisis of identity. In roles like Madea, black men portray black women from an “outside” perspective. By assuming the roles of black womanhood, black men limit the agency of their female counterparts and adopt a feigned identity. As a result, black media misconstrues the black female identity, takes away her choice of representation and ultimately limits her agency.

Moreover, when black women are given the opportunity to portray black womanhood, their characters still embody masculinity. For example, in Think Like A Man, Taraji P. Henson’s character Lauren represents the strong and independent black woman stereotype. As a C.O.O. of a Fortune 500 company, Lauren asserts her power and maintains an aggressive persona. Because of her accomplishments, Lauren challenges her male counterparts and finds it difficult to maintain a relationship. Candace, played by Regina Hall, insists that Lauren adopt a more docile approach. For instance, Candace explains to Lauren that she should submit to the wishes of her male companion and stop “being a man.” During one particular scene, Lauren and Candace discuss their current relationships. When Candace advises Lauren to read the new book Act Like a Lady, Think Like a Man, Lauren refuses to adopt “that sexist crap.” Instead, she asserts “there is no such thing as too strong” and insists that she continue to challenge men both intellectually and professionally. Disturbed by this idea, Candace then recalls Lauren’s previous relationship. She insists that Lauren’s previous boyfriend ended the date when “you trumped his wine choice.” She finally reminds Lauren of her boyfriend’s last words: “you don’t need a man Lauren, you are a man.” Using this experience to warn her best friend, Candace implores Lauren to be less masculine. Following her friend’s advice, Lauren adopts the traditional feminine ideals of empathy and sensitivity (Wollstonecraft 171). For instance, when speaking about her new boyfriend Dominique, Lauren insists that she “believes in his dreams.” Moreover, Lauren tells Candace that she will continue to help Dominique achieve his goals and provide him the support necessary to become a five-star chef.

Nevertheless, during this transformation, the film continues to portray Lauren as masculine. For instance, after the two break-up, Lauren discovers that Dominique has started his own business. Impressed by Dominique’s decision, Lauren tries to rekindle their relationship by going to the grand opening. Through a romantic gesture, Lauren describes her true feelings about Dominique and implores him “to take me back.” Despite her vulnerability, the film still portrays Lauren as masculine. For instance, while begging for the attention of Dominique, Lauren storms up the stairs and verbally assaults the neighboring customers. During the commotion, Lauren’s overly aggressive nature disturbs Dominique and ultimately forces him to listen to her demands. When the media portrays black women, there is always a masculine undercoat. As a result, this creates a false image of black womanhood in society. As the images “dominate the consciousness of Americans” people begin conform to notions of the black female as “tough domineering, and strong” (bell hooks, Ain’t I A Woman 83). Although these images empower the black female and strengthen her image in society, it also detracts from her feminine qualities. Thus, black women are described as “powerful” rather than “weak” and are considered masculine rather than feminine.

Figure 1

Results from Questions 5-10: How would you describe the actress?

Although there are many studies that explore the connection between media and identity, few analyze the black female perspective. To explore the effects of the black media market, we conducted a survey about the movie Think Like a Man. Through our survey, we tried to determine how the images of black womanhood affect the black female’s perception of self. We began our research by first targeting African American females. Using the Cornell community, we sent out an email to various African American organizations. We framed the survey as a “Personality Test” that would examine the effects of media and representation. Ultimately, we were able to include 41 participants in our survey sample.

Our survey included nine questions about the effects of movie identification. We asked our respondents to first choose the actress that they most identified with in the movie. Their options included: La La Anthony, Meagan Good, Regina Hall, Taraji P. Henson, Gabrielle Union and Jenifer Lewis. Next, the respondents described the actresses as either powerful, strong, confident, sexy/seductive or weak. We used the adjective “powerful” to reflect the masculine stereotyping of black women. To determine whether the media could destroy or possibly limit this particular stereotype, we included the adjective “weak.” We also used the adjective “angry” to reflect the cultural stereotype of a crazed Madea. Moreover, the term “sexy/seductive” refers to the Jezebel stereotype of black women as overly promiscuous. Finally, we included the adjective “confident” to explore the ways in which the black media could foster a sense of pride in the black female. After describing the actresses, respondents then used the same adjectives to describe themselves.

            Based on our results, there was a link between the adjectives that respondents used to describe the actresses and the type of stereotypes the actresses embodied. For instance, respondents described Taraji P. Henson as either “powerful” or “confident” but never “weak.” Recognizing the masculine-like qualities of the character Lauren, respondents described Henson with non-feminine adjectives. Thus, Think Like a Man reinforced the image of a masculine black woman. Moreover, when describing Meagan Good, respondents either used the terms “weak” or “sexy/seductive” to label Good’s performance. Based on the construction of Jezebel, Good’s character fit the portrayal of a sexy seductress that men used for entertainment. Her ability to attract Alex’s attention demonstrated to the black female audience her overall “seductive” nature. Nevertheless, because Alex used Maya, Good’s character, for his own sexual pleasure, the audience perceived Good’s portrayal as “weak.” Altogether, the respondents used adjectives that adhered to the cultural stereotypes described by scholars and ultimately portrayed by the actresses. As a result, we conclude that the black female audience not only acknowledges cultural stereotypes but also identifies with them.

Based on our results, we determined that there is a connection between identification and media images. For example, of those who identified with a particular actress, 70% of respondents used the same adjective to describe themselves and their favored actress. By consuming the media images, respondents identified themselves through the portrayals of various female actors. Our main concern is that the black media images not only encourage black females to adopt media portrayals but also adhere to cultural stereotypes. Although our survey does not explore this particular outcome, we acknowledge bell hooks concern that mass media images “impress a negative image of black womanhood” that is then acted “upon all our psyches,” including the black female (bell hooks, Ain’t I A Woman 84). Accordingly, when black women interpret these negative images, they begin to understand themselves through these portrayals and adopt them in society.

Since the “second wave,” feminist scholars have made an effort to understand the complexity of minority identification. Adding to their work, we have analyzed the particular construction of black female identity in the U.S. black media market. Based on our role analysis, we have determined that black films, specifically Diary of a Mad Black Woman and Think Like a Man, adhere to the cultural stereotypes of sexy Jezebel and black mammy. Moreover, their depiction of Anglo-Saxon beauty yields an unrealistic “norm” for black women that result in the portrayal of black womanhood as overly masculine and a “feared Other.” Based on our survey results, we have also determined that black females recognize media stereotypes, view themselves through these portrayals and in some cases act upon them. Thus, our main concern is that the black media market enables the devaluation of black womanhood. As a medium geared towards black people, we believe that the black media market should aim to destroy these stereotypes and instead use images that reflect the reality rather than the construction of black womanhood (bell hooks, Reel to Real 131).

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