Thursday, February 6, 2014

Imaging Black Women in Popular Media

 

The Representation of Black Women in the Media
by Ashleigh Williams and Michelle Lee

Our nation was founded on the principle “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are "Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness”. However, throughout the course of history, it has become evident that these unalienable rights are only granted to white men. Individuals who are not protected by this particular race and gender category have been historically subjected to legal sanctions that are indicative of their subordination in society. Thus, a social hierarchy has emerged in which groups of individuals are ranked based on their race and gender respectively, placing black women at the bottom of this system. Due to their low rank in this system, black women have continuously faced various forms of exploitation in the public sphere. This public exploitation has been and is currently manifested in media outlets such as films and television shows. The exploitation of black women in the media is related to Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies because it analyzes the representations of a specific group of women in the media as well as the ways in which oppression of gender and race intersect. While dominant feminist rhetoric critiques the representations of women in the media, it does little to recognize the importance of the intersection of race and gender in our society. This paper will focus on the intersection of race and gender by employing Black Feminist Theory to analyze the representation of black women in the media.
Before we begin our analyses of contemporary representations of African American women in media, it is important to briefly recount the historical experiences of this group in order to trace the origins of these stereotypical representations. For their entire existence in the United States, black women have been subjected to marginalization based on the white-supremacist, male dominant cultural beliefs inherent in our society. These cultural beliefs, coupled with the colonial necessity of expansionism and domination, contributed to the development of slavery in the United States. Slavery is one of the most important social institutions that has shaped both the experiences and perceptions of black women in American society. Within their strictly controlled roles in this system of oppression, dominant stereotypes about African American women emerged. These stereotypes were used to evaluate and set the standard for black women’s behaviors. The two prominent stereotypes that came from slavery are the mammy and jezebel. The most recognizable stereotype of African American women is of the mammy, who was a slave that was responsible for caring for the owner’s children (Banks 2008). The mammy archetype represents the black woman as a content and loyal domestic servant who puts the needs of her owners’ family before her own. Opposite of the mammy is the jezebel, who is a hypersexualized image of the black woman. During this period, it was common for white, male owners to rape their female slaves. Black women came to be viewed as welcoming this sexual activity, which eventually led to the belief that all black women had a heightened and animalistic sexual appetite (Banks 2008). These stereotypes are reflective of the lack of agency that black women faced under the oppression of a racist and sexist institution. As African American women gained more agency throughout the 20th century, new stereotypes emerged. In contrast to the previous stereotypes, the new stereotypes criticized black women for having too much agency as opposed to none at all.
After the abolishment of slavery, African American women actively confronted the issue of inequality in American society. During the 1950’s and 1960’s, African American women such as Rosa Parks, Septima Clark, and Ella Baker were instrumental in movements that sought to advance the predicament of black women in the US. When compared to previous stereotypes held about African American women, the actions of these women appeared to the dominant social group as overly aggressive and hostile. Thus, the image of the sapphire and the super woman were born. The sapphire characterized black women as angry, loud, controlling, confrontational, and emasculating (Sims 2006). In the home, she challenged the traditional role as a submissive wife and vigorously challenged her husband’s authority, while in public she challenged the existing social hierarchy that placed her at the bottom. This newfound strength was also caricatured in the super woman image, which portrayed black women as “rough and tough, yet sexy and caring” (Banks 79). In contrast to more traditional family dynamics, this image portrayed black women as being protectors of their families and the black community as a whole. Ironically, this reinforced the belief that black women were the cause of black men’s lack of power in society. Regardless of the characteristics ascribed to black women, they were always portrayed as negative. When black women were viewed as submissive, this was transformed into negative stereotypes that justified their degradation. This was not the case for white women during the same time period. The submissiveness of white women was seen as a positive attribute and was considered the feminine ideal. As black women gained their voices to obtain recognition, they were now considered to be aggressive. A new body of knowledge emerged, collectively referred to as Black Feminist Theory, to recognize the experiences of black women and to dispel these negative stereotypes.
During a time when marginalized groups, such as African Americans and women, were fighting for equality, black women felt that the Civil Rights Movement and the Women’s Movement did not represent their interests. Thus, the Black Feminist Theory is a body of knowledge that grew out of, and in response, to both movements. According to Black Feminist Theory, black women disproportionately experience oppression because they are the least protected by their social group (that is, race and gender status). The sentiment among black women at this time was that, ‘“black’ was equated with black men and ‘woman’ was equated with white women” (Collins 24). Thus, black female thinkers developed theory to adequately address the way in which race, gender, and class were interconnected in their lives. This analytical viewpoint employs an intersectional analysis, which is described as a “multilayered analysis of how multiple oppressions result in different experiences for different groups of women” (Luna 351). The experiences of black women are different in that they do not fit within the boundaries of traditional race and gender oppressions, so in order to fully understand their experiences, we must look at the intersection of racism and sexism (Crenshaw 1991). A core tenet of Black Feminist Theory is that the intersecting oppressions of race, gender, and sexuality could not be justified without the existence of negative stereotypes such as the mammy, jezebel, sapphire, and superwoman (Collins 2000). Furthermore, Patricia Hill Collins states that “these controlling images are designed [by the dominant social group] to make racism, sexism, poverty, and other forms of social injustice appear to be natural, normal, and inevitable parts of everyday life” (Collins 69). This is reflective of black women’s status in the social hierarchy and is created and maintained by images throughout popular culture. Media has the power to influence and shape of cultural myths about an ethnic group, and in this way, the representation of African American women in the media can be viewed as “a valid historical document reflecting predominant attitudes, conscious or unconscious, in American culture” (Sims 2006). For this analysis, we are critiquing two contemporary films and a performance from the annual MTV Video Music Awards show. These examples illustrate 1) the survival of these negative stereotypes over time, 2) their widespread usage throughout media, and 3) the acceptance of these stereotypes as valid.
Scary Movie is a horror-comedy spoof film that parodies several late 1990’s films such as I Know What You Did Last Summer and The Sixth Sense. I chose to analyze this film for two reasons. First, Scary Movie was one of the highest grossing films in 2000. In fact, Dimension Films heavily stressed to the public that they would not produce a sequel to the film, but due to the film’s immense popularity, they released four sequels. Additionally, the cast is primarily white, featuring only one African American actress. This is important for my analysis because the film discretely sends a message about how African American women interact with white people.
The scene I will analyze takes place in a crowded movie theater. Brenda (the African American actress) is on a date with her boyfriend to see a Shakespeare film, and they are the only African Americans in attendance. Brenda’s boyfriend goes to the restroom, leaving Brenda alone for a few minutes. As soon as she is alone, she whips out some fried chicken that is wrapped in aluminum foil and a bottle of hot sauce. She begins eating her snack, all the while loudly commenting on the film. Around her, the moviegoers are growing angry because of her rowdy and obnoxious behavior. Eventually, one of the moviegoers grows tired of her loudness and tells her to shut up. Brenda begins to scream at the man even more loudly and even extends her insults to those who did not confront her. Throughout this scene, she is rolling her eyes and her neck, putting her hands in people’s faces, and displays an extremely bitter and negative attitude. The confrontation ends when Brenda believes her boyfriend has returned from the bathroom. In actuality, it is the serial killer that has been haunting the town for weeks. As the serial killer is taking his knife out to kill Brenda, a moviegoer takes the knife from him and stabs Brenda himself. Everyone in the theater gets in on the action, taking turns stabbing, beating, or kicking her. Brenda staggers to the platform directly in front of the screen and collapses. The theater erupts in applause in celebration of her death, and the moviegoers continue to watch the film as if nothing happened.
When I first saw the film, I thought it was hilarious! But after taking this course, I have developed a feminist perspective that is hard to overcome. Now, watching this film is deeply troubling for me. The first thing that is problematic in this scene is the fact that she is eating fried chicken and hot sauce. One of the most static stereotypes about black people in general is that they enjoy this particular food, and this scene is playing on this belief in a comedic way. Also, Brenda’s character is the epitome of the sapphire image. The sapphire has been historically portrayed as a woman who is  “tart-tongued”, one who often “violently and rhythmically rocks her head” when speaking, and who flies through “irrational states of anger” (Sims 32). This description of the sapphire recounts Brenda’s character in this scene almost flawlessly. Brenda irrationally gets upset with the other patrons in the theater due to her tart tongue and dramatically rolls her neck and eyes throughout the argument. She has an extremely bitter attitude for no logical reason. Additionally, Brenda’s demeanor is in direct opposition to the European ideal of a docile, submissive woman. This masculinizes Brenda, and in a sense, black women as a whole and portrays them as extremely volatile and confrontational. As a result of these depictions, black women are then viewed as masculine, and therefore, undeserving of affection from men. Furthermore, Brenda’s abrasive character makes the consumer feel sympathetic to her boyfriend because he is charged with the difficult task of putting up with Brenda’s confrontational attitude. This further suggests that black women are viewed as undesirable to both white and black men.  This masculinization of black women can also serve to justify their subjugation in society.
Sapphires, and specifically Brenda in this scene, are notoriously hard to get along with, and this is illustrated by the fact that she engages in a heated argument with an entire theater of patrons. This sends the subliminal message to consumers that African American women are confrontational, bitchy, and hard to deal with. This message is further ingrained when the moviegoers murder Brenda because they are only able to achieve peace when the obnoxious black woman is killed. The murder itself suggests that the only viable solution to the problem of bitchy black women is to permanently silence them. All other methods will only result in an increase in her rage.
Additionally, it is important to note that in this scene, Brenda is considered to deserve the violence that ends in her death due to her confrontational nature. The viewers grow to genuinely dislike her, so no one minds that she is brutally murdered in the theater. In fact, her murder calls for celebration! This sort of justification has been and is currently widely used in society in general. Because of black women’s particular characteristics, the dominant social group has a perfectly sound justification for subjecting this group to violence and oppression.
The second film I will analyze is Tyler Perry’s Diary of a Mad Black Woman. I chose this film because it, like the previous film I discussed, was immensely popular and was one of the top grossing films of 2005. The main character, Madea, was so popular that she is the star of seven sequels that collectively make up the “Madea” film franchise. For the purposes of this analysis, we will focus on the representation of the mammy archetype through Madea’s character in Diary of a Mad Black Woman.
The film centers on the struggles of a woman, Helen, who is going through a particularly ugly divorce. After her husband violently throws her out of their home, she goes to Madea’s house for safety. When Helen arrives, it is very late in the night, and she catches Madea by surprise. Madea kicks the door open, yielding a loaded pistol. Once everything is straightened out, Madea welcomes Helen into her home and invites her to stay overnight. When Helen enters the home, Madea’s brother calls out “Who that is knockin’ on the door this late?”. Madea tells him not to worry about it and to go back to sleep. However, her brother presses further, telling her “I’m serious! I’m putting my foot down!”, to which she replies “Kunta Kinte put his foot down and it got chopped off. Now take yo ass to bed!”.  The next morning, Helen enters the kitchen and runs into Deborah, a methamphetamine addict whom Madea looks after. Madea is busily bustling around the kitchen to prepare breakfast, all the while her breasts and butt are exaggeratedly swinging around. After Deborah leaves, Helen asks Madea why she is taking care of her. Madea tells Helen that she feels an obligation to look after people and that it’s a part of her nature.
There are several problematic issues with Madea’s character in this film. First and perhaps most problematic, her character is played by Tyler Perry dressed in drag. Therefore, Madea has subtle, masculine qualities that arise from the fact that it is a man dressed in drag. For example, she hovers over all the women (and some men) in the film, has rough hands, broad shoulders, and a deep voice. Additionally, Madea is a heavy-set woman with extremely large breasts and a large backside. Combined, these characteristics form what bell hooks refers to a “masculinized sub-human characteristics” (hooks 1996). The mammy’s voluptuous body was in stark contrast to the thin, often corseted frame of white women at the time of the inception of this archetype. This masculinization of the mammy image was used to maintain the white supremacist and patriarchal idea that white women represented the femininity in its purest form (Collins 2000). Thus, the mammy’s large frame represents the antithesis of the American conception of beauty, femininity, and womanhood.
Additionally, Madea’s speech pattern reveals a “bossy, domineering, and uneducated character”, which is consistent with the historical mammy archetype (Sims 2006). Throughout the previous scene I described, Madea says “chillins” instead of “children” , “yo” instead of “your”, and generally does not speak proper English. This serves to show that African American women are uneducated and provides justification for keeping them on the periphery of society and denying them certain privileges. Furthermore, Madea demonstrates a domineering and abrasive nature when she answers the door and almost shoots her granddaughter. Immediately following that, she emasculates her brother when he attempts to exert power over her. Her attitude demonstrates that black women are in stark opposition to the docile and submissive feminine ideal that is perpetuated in society. The mammy’s placement at the periphery of society indicates that she is deemed to be of a lesser status that the dominant social group.
Lastly, Madea is the caretaker of the community and does this by feeding people and giving them a place to stay. The scene I previously described is pretty typical of her actions throughout the film; her life seems to revolve around domestic work. One of the most salient characteristics of the mammy archetype is that she is content and happy carrying out the domestic needs of the family that she works for (Collins 2000). In this way, African American women were viewed as only suitable for domestic work and have been historically shutout from other career paths. As Evelyn Nakano Glenn stresses in her essay, "Women and Labor Migration", women of European descent did not have to work outside the home because their husbands earned enough that this was not necessary. Ethnic families did not enjoy the same luxuries, and thus, ethnic women needed to secure work outside of the home. The only positions that were available to them were domestic work, and their concentration in this field “reinforced their degraded status in society” (Glenn). Domestic work became “more or less synonymous badges of inferiority” (Glenn). In conclusion, Madea’s statement that it is “in her nature” to care for people perpetuates the idea that black women are only suitable for careers in the domestic sphere. Thus, the stereotype that African American women are unworthy of employment outside of the household is perpetuated by Madea’s uneducated speech pattern and by the fact that she is content with doing housework.
What is to be said about the fact that both films are comedies? Would these comedies have been so successful if the black actresses were white? I believe that part of the success of both the films stems from the fact that an African American woman is the source of the comedy. African American womanhood has been the source of public ridicule and humiliation for decades. Both of these films propagate ideas about the inferiority of black womanhood to traditional femininity. Additionally, both Brenda and (especially) Madea exhibit speech patterns that suggest that the women are uneducated. Due to this publicly accepted mockery of black womanhood and intelligence, therein lies the justification for the oppression and subjugation of this group.
Aside from films, television is another source of media that is used to reflect the public exploitation and negative portrayal of black women in society. From her backup dancers to her sexual gestures and attire, Miley Cyrus’ recent performance in the 2013 MTV Video Music Awards (VMA’s) is a prime example of how popular culture on television shows can create and maintain black women’s social status and oppression. At the start of her performance, Miley appears dressed in a skimpy teddy bear one-piece, which she later takes off to reveal a tight nude bikini. Two pigtail buns and continuous dramatic exposures of her tongue finish off her childish yet scanty look. As she starts dancing and “twerking out” to the introduction music, the stage is set with a big robotic teddy bear and she is accompanied by backup dancers dressed also as teddy bears who, interestingly, all happen to be black voluptuous women. Throughout the performance, she is seen making sexual gestures to not only her body, but the bodies of others. In one shot of her performance, the camera captures her shaking her face in and slapping the exposed fleshy butt of one of her backup dancers whose face is covered with a teddy bear mask. As her performance transitions into a collaboration with Robin Thicke, she is seen wearing a foam hand which she uses as a sexual prop to fondle his body and her own. Despite him being twenty years her senior, she continues to grind on him and makes sexual facial expressions and bodily gestures.  
Following this highly publicized event, many critics accused Miley Cyrus of “slut-shaming”, a term used to admonish women whose behaviors seem more sexual than what is socially acceptable. Because everything about her VMA performance was so drastically different from her former innocent Hannah Montana days, people were quick to point out her newfound promiscuity and sexuality, which was evident in her costume and dance. Few, however, pointed out the racial implications from her performance. Interestingly enough, it was rumored that in the making of her new album, Miley Cyrus had actually requested music that sounded “black”. If this was the case, then it seems like her VMA performance was a reflection of what she narrowly thought best represented the epitome of black music and culture. Thus, it may not be her own sexuality, but rather, the hypersexuality and objectification of black women that is being exposed through her performance.
Throughout history, hypersexuality and objectification have been negatively attributed to and used against black women. According to Black Feminist Theorists, the emergence and prevalence of the jezebel image has been used to justify both of these concepts in which black women are seen as animalistic in their increased sexual appetites and thus seen as objects to satiate white man’s sexual desires (Banks 2008). In this specific example regarding Miley Cyrus’s VMA performance, from a Black Feminist Theoretical lens, it can be said that the hypersexuality of black women is presented in the dramatization of Miley’s dancing. “Twerking”, a dance that involves a shaking of the hips and butt, was first introduced to American popular culture through songs and music videos by black artists. In fact, the act of “twerking” has also been compared to the dance of traditional Africans. By showing off her “twerking” skills on stage while surrounded by black women backup dancers, Miley demonstrates that she too can be black and sexual and ultimately be like a black woman. Her dance is an imitation of what she thinks all black women are supposed to be like and do. This reinforces Black Feminist Theory because as a part of the dominant social group (white), she is helping to construct and reinscribe not only a constricted view of black culture, but also the hypersexual image of black women and their bodies as the embodiment of sex and as sexually deviant (Collins 2000).
The objectification of her black backup dancers serves to further hypersexualize black women and negatively portrays them as jezebels. In choosing all black women backup dancers with noticeably voluptuous butts, it seems that Miley views their curves as a part of their black womanhood and their bodies as sexual objects. This supports the Black Feminist view that recognizes the commodification and exploitation of black women’s bodies as “markers of status” that place them low in the social hierarchy that relies on race and gender (Collins 2000). In addition, the sexually suggestive slaps and gestures towards one specific backup dancer, who is seen with her face covered in a teddy bear mask, demonstrates the devaluation black women’s bodies. The faceless body of that one backup dancer is not seen or respected as the body of a woman but instead is used as a prop for entertainment purposes. The way in which the backup dancer exposes her butt and lets Miley publicly slap and play with it, also promotes the idea that black women are hypersexual and that they “want” it. This view of all black women as jezebels who “want it” due to their supposed animalistic sexual appetite is the same view and justification that was held by white men who raped black women throughout slavery (Banks 2008). Thus, this very hypersexual and racist nature of this performance contributes to the oppression of black women by maintaining negative images.
Though there are numerous genres of television shows, I specifically chose to critique this example, a performance from the MTV Video Music Awards, for set reasons. First and foremost, MTV is a television channel that is geared towards the youth and teens. The annual Video Music Awards gives artists a chance to perform their music while also showcasing their contribution to the popular culture of that year. What is displayed on this show, like any other show, reinforces society’s ideals. Nevertheless, Miley Cyrus’s performance this year was especially representative of the survival of these negative stereotypes of black women over time. From the content and nature of her performance, it is evident that the jezebel image of black women is still ingrained in our popular culture and media and thought of as a form of entertainment. The widespread usage of these stereotypes throughout media is also very visible. Miley Cyrus’s performance was not the only one that contained negative stereotypes of black women. The performance that followed Miley’s, which included rappers 2 Chainz and Kendrick Lamar, also included primarily black women in skin tight clothing who were either dancing provocatively or holding up props. However, Miley’s performance was the one to be criticized and spread throughout other media outlets because it was the epitome of public exploitation of black women. As a white woman, she not only hypersexualized but racialized these black women, thus contributing to the negative oppressive connotation of her performance. Lastly, MTV’s most recent announcement selecting Miley Cyrus as the Best Artist of 2013 supports the acceptance of these stereotypes as valid. The fact is, despite what her performance entailed, her music is still widely popular and loved by many. Therefore, this mirrors the leniency and overall acceptance that many feel towards the oppression of black women.
In order to fully understand the power of these images, we must first unravel the definition of violence. The Oxford Dictionary defines violence as “the exercise of physical force as to inflict injury on, or cause damage to, persons or property” (Collins 921). However, this definition glosses over the effect that power hierarchies have on what is defined as violence. According to Patricia Hill Collins, violence is not only committed on an individual-to-individual basis, but it is committed through social hierarchies on a group-to-group basis. Some forms of speech are designed to belittle and humiliate the victim, to communicate to them that they are worthless, and to demonstrate their subjugated “place” in the social hierarchy. Collins argues that physical violence needs a climate of fear and terror to operate, and this climate is created and maintained by verbal assaults. Thus, the definition of violence needs to be broadened to include speech and forms of institutional violence. For example, African American women fall victim to sexual assault, but due to the stereotype that black women are hypersexual, they are often not considered victims of violence (Collins 1998). In this case, the dominant group’s speech has contributed to the incidence of violence against African American women by creating the idea that they welcome acts of sexual aggression, yet, speech remains outside of traditional definitions of violence (Collins 1998). Once we adopt Collins’ redefined concept of violence, we are able to begin to unravel the effects of these images on the perception of black women in society.
            For some individuals, the only exposure they have to black women are those on the screen, so the images constructed by the media serve to demonstrate what “real” black women are. However, the “real” representation of black women has effectively been erased from history. In order for one group to dominate another, the subordinate group must be objectified to justify their domination. As bell hooks asserts, “as objects, one’s reality is defined by others, one’s identity is created by others, one’s history is constructed [by those in power]”. The historical representation of African American women as jezebels, mammies, sapphires, and superwomen were created “not to reflect or represent a reality, but to function… [as an] objective of social relations” (Collins 70). These repeated, fictitious representations of black womanhood came to be and still is considered a valid history of black women in broader society. The intricate and complex history of African American women has been completely erased by the dominant group and replaced with images that further their agenda of domination. In order for us to prevent this pattern from spreading onto our future generations, more must be done. The emergence of Black Feminist Theory has addressed this interconnection between race and gender; yet, films, television shows, and other media outlets continue to display these negative portrayals. The immense popularity of these images is reflective of the fact that these stereotypes are deeply ingrained into and accepted by our culture. Though we do not know the exact measures it will take to rid society of these stereotypes, what we do know is that it’s going to include a complete transformation of our existing social structures to undo the effects of generations of oppression.

Works Cited
Banks, Ingrid. "Women In FIlm." African Americans and Popular Culture. Westport, CT: ABC CLIO, 2008. Print.
Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. New York: Routledge, 2000. Print.
--1998. The Tie that Binds: Race, Gender and US Violence. Ethnic and Racial Studies 21(5): 917-938.
Crenshaw, Kimberle. "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and
Violence Against Women of Color." Stanford Law Review 43.6 (1991): 1241-229. Print.
Glenn, Evelyn Nakanno. Women and Labor Migration. An Introduction to Women’s Studies: Gender in a Transnational World. I. Grewal and C. Kaplan, Eds. McGraw Hill. 478-482.
hooks, bell. Reel to Real: Race, Sex, and Class at the Movies. New York, NY: Routledge, 1996. Print.
Luna, Zakiya. 2009. From Rights to Justice: Women of Color Changing the Face of US Reproductive Rights Organizing. Societies without Borders. 4: 343-365

Sims, Yvonne D. Women of Blaxploitation: How the Black Action Film Heroine Changed American Popular Culture. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2006. Print.

Influence of the Riot Grrrl Movement on Punk



Riot Grrrl’s Impacts on the Content of 90s Punk Songs
by Aubree Keurajian

Punk rock is strongly associated with criticizing the government and the dominant social structure. For this reason one may anticipate that criticism of the patriarchal tendencies of society would be a theme present in punk culture, however this assumption does not necessarily hold. While the punk rock scene is based in large part on ideas of social justice and equality, by the 1990s, many aspects mainstream society had wept in and the gender hierarchies found in mainstream culture had mirrored themselves within the subculture. Thus despite being a place where women could rebel against the traditional feminine roles that society dictated they fill, the punk scene still placed them in a subordinate position. This gender inequality within a structure purporting equality, combined with critiques of society as a whole helped create the Riot Grrrl movement as a strong feminist force to speak out against these inequalities. The Riot Grrrl movement arose out of a combination of feminist ideas and punk rock aesthetics, but also provided a point of comradeship for women and girls in the punk rock movement itself.  I will examine the impacts of Riot Grrrl as a strong feminist voice within the punk community on the lyrical content of male bands in the concurrent punk revival.
Punk rock arose as a reaction to mainstream, commercialized rock and sought to rebel against all of the traditional expectations of rock music, one of these being the almost universal male dominance. At its inception, punk’s “do it yourself” quality allowed, and even encouraged, people who did not fit the typical white, male rocker mold to take part in the music, creating a space for female musicians to partake (Dunn and Farnsworth, 2012).  This can be seen in the popularity of mixed gender groups like Siouxsie and the Banshees, Blondie, and X-Ray Spex (Oxford Music Online, “Punk”, 2013). In addition to the presence of women, the early punk scene also was mixed in terms of race, as can be easily seen in the Los Angeles area through groups like The Bags, which were neither all male nor all white (Bag, 2012). The early British punk scene provided a platform for women to speak out on issues of sexism and gender inequality, and through this helped to create much of the punk aesthetic, as can be seen through figures like designer Vivienne Westwood (Downes, 2012). Unfortunately, this gender and racial equality in the punk rock scene was relatively short lived, and as entirely male, white bands became more dominant the scene it became more aggressive and masculine, causing an exclusion of women and minorities. Women involved in punk rock at this time found that it quickly changed from a relatively open community to one that posed a threat of violence to them and in which they no longer were an accepted part (Dunn and Farnsworth, 2012).  Part of this masculinization was due to the strong ties with the working class that put issues of class and political struggles against gender inequality (Cranny-Francis and Waring, 2003). While punk did not become necessarily anti-women, it did become a rough and sometimes aggressive scene in which femininity was discouraged and masculinity celebrated.
            Just as in society as a whole, gender roles in punk rock are constructed through performative acts and informed by visual representations especially through the media. For this reason, an understanding of how people create and maintain their genders through their actions as well as how the media and society influences the gendered acts that people perform is necessary for an understanding of how these processes operate within the punk subcultures and how they created the need for the Riot Grrrl movement. As early as the start of the western first wave of feminism, theorists such as Mary Wollstonecraft recognized that society creates nonessential gender constructions that girls and boys are expected to uphold through physical objects and actions dictated to be more suited to one gender or the other (Wollstonecraft, 2002). This goes along with Judith Butler’s phenomenological theories on gender construction in which she defines gender as a social construction created by repetition of gendered acts in accordance to a sociocultural setting that varies greatly over time (Butler, 1988). She also argues that culture is reliant on gender in order to function in the way that people have been conditioned to expect. While each act that a person performs is an individual choice, they are dictated by the larger structures of society and help to reinforce this society (Oxford Music Online, “Punk”), creating a positive feedback loop. This lens of critique of gender is most often focused on mainstream society, but the same processes are at work in subcultures as well and very clearly in punk rock.
            As Cranny-Francis and Waring describe in their paper on gender and fashion, gender is defined in large part by fashion and styles, and society relies on these cues to separate people out along a binary division of gender (Cranny-Francis & Waring, 2003). This construction of gender through clothing, hair, and makeup is clearly a defining characteristic of gender constructions in mainstream society, but it also holds very true in the punk culture as well. While the punk culture can be seen as, in part, a rejection of the consumerist, capitalist society that beauty culture is a part of, manners of dress and hairstyle are very important parts of punk culture. In Lauraine LeBlanc’s book on girls and women in the punk community she describes a contradiction that punk culture simultaneously creates a way for females to rebel against the mainstream constructions of femininity while replacing them with other constructions of femininity. Women within the punk rock scene face the challenge of adhering to the masculine aesthetic of punk rock, by using elements such as combat boots, shaved heads, and leather jackets, while still portraying that they are female, either through the inclusion of traditionally feminine elements like makeup, skirts, or fishnets, or by acting in a gentle, “girly” way. As one of the interviewees in LeBlanc’s research, Carina, put it, “I’ll do little things, just to make sure they know I’m a girl.” (Leblanc, 1999) This quotation shows that, despite the punk scene’s rejection of typical modes of femininity, there are still defined female roles that women are expected to fill.
            The Riot Grrrl movement arose in the early 1990s in response to both the strongly masculine tone that the punk rock scene had taken on as well as the issues of sexism that women and girls faced in the world at large (Cranny-Francis & Waring, 2003).  Reclaiming the word “girl” from its negative connotations, Riot Grrrl encouraged women and girls to take part in feminist activism using the same techniques as the punk movement, that is, through independent music and zines (Garrison, 2000). By creating an accessible place for women to aggressively organize for equal treatment and rights, the Riot Grrrl movement helped bring women’s issues to the attention of society as a whole. While the Riot Grrrl movement was predominately white, it strived to combat issues that dealt with race in addition to gender, consumerism, and heteronormativity (Leblanc, 1999). The movement grew in scope and popularity, becoming a major social force in the mid-1990s, gaining publicity in many national news outlets in addition to increasing the distribution of materials on how to make zines to a larger demographic in order to foster the growth of a feminist underground press (Cranny-Francis & Waring, 2003). Riot Grrrl bands and Riot Grrrl inspired songs also came onto the national scene in the music charts, with songs like No Doubt’s “Just a Girl” reaching number 23 on the Billboard charts and an album by Sleater-Kinney peaking at number 15 on the indie charts (Academic Charts Online).
            In order to analyze the effects of the Riot Grrrl movement on the treatment of women in the lyrics of male punk rock bands I examined three bands that were influential in the punk rock revival scene of the 1990s and are comprised entirely of male musicians, Anti-Flag, Bad Religion, and Rancid. I analyzed the lyrics beginning with bands’ first albums and stopping with albums that were published prior to 2005. In my analysis of the lyrics I looked for three things. 1.) Any mention of issues typically considered “women’s issues” such as feminism in general, reproductive rights, and sexual assault, 2.) any mention of an individual women as a character in the song, or 3.) the use of female pronouns or generic female terms such as “daughter”,  “mother”, or “girl”. I used the lyrics as published on www.azlyrics.com because this website has a complete listing of all of the songs released by all of these bands and thus a level of consistency is ensured. While the lyrics on this site are written and edited by contributors in a similar way to Wikipedia, the level of accuracy is usually quite high. I chose 2005 as an end date because the Riot Grrrl movement peaked in the mid-1990s thus by 2005 its ideology was well known and most of its effects had been felt. Additionally, this date is a logical breaking point for all three of the bands discussed for various reasons that will be discussed below.
            Anti-Flag is a very political punk band formed in Pittsburg, PA in 1993. While the band had a small prelude in 1988 with female vocalist Lucy Fester, this iteration of the band failed almost instantly. When it reformed in 1993, the band was entirely male, and while the membership changed slightly over the next six years, this trend continued. From their creation in 1993 up until 2005 they were signed on various independent record labels, including one of their own creation, A-F Records. In 2005 they signed to RCA, signaling a change from the DIY punk aesthetic that they were known for, and this change can be easily heard in their music, supporting the use of 2005 as an end date (Encyclopedia of Popular Music, “Anti-Flag”). Of the three bands I examined, Anti-Flag is by far the most political. Most of their songs focus on the United States government, especially war and military action as well as personal freedom. Their musical style is very characteristic of punk revival bands; loud, fast, and simple both in lyrics and melody.
            In addition to Anti-Flag, I looked at one of the biggest bands of the 90s post-punk revival, Bad Religion. By far the most well-known of the three, Bad Religion was formed in 1980 in Los Angeles, CA, prior to both the Riot Grrrl movement and the punk revival. While the band faced many lineup changes, all of its members have been male. Much like Anti-Flag, they released albums on their own label, Epitaph, which, unlike A-F Records, grew beyond them. Bad Religion also signed to a major label, but this does not appear to have changed their music in any substantial way (EPM, “Bad Religion”). Unlike Anti-Flag, Bad Religion focused more on politics and social issues, such as consumerism and religion. Bad Religion did not release any albums between 2004 and 2007, and as such the year 2005 is a logical break point for analysis of their music.
            Rancid is the least political of the three bands I analyzed, but they still have strong themes of social commentary. Formed in 1989 in Oakland, CA and signed to Bad Religion’s Epitaph Records, Rancid focused primarily on social issues, leaving behind much of the political focus of other punk revival bands. Unlike the other two bands discussed, Rancid had strong ties with the third-wave ska scene that ran concurrent to the punk revival, which may be responsible for the less political nature of their music (EPM, “Rancid”). Similar to Bad Religion, Rancid took a break in producing albums, although slightly longer, lasting from 2003-2009. This break, however, leaves 2005 again as a logical upper limit for analysis.
            Through my reading of these bands’ lyrics, I have found four distinct categories of references about women. The first of these are women portrayed as vague family members in such a way as to symbolize larger sections of society; I have termed this category “symbolic kin” and have found that examples tend to fall into two categories, the first being “mothers” in which maternal imagery is used as a stand in for authority figures, and the second being relatively un-gendered uses of terms like “brothers and sisters” in a way that implies comradeship. The songs in this category primarily came from Bad Religion, so this may have more to do with that individual band than punk rock revival bands in general. The second category of songs is those that use female characters alongside male characters in an anecdotal lyrical format. Representations of women in this way tend to portray them in ways that are not gender specific. The next category is the use of women in stereotypical roles as descriptors of the type of society or setting that is being created in the song. While these representations of women tend to cast women in traditional, subordinate ways, they are more a commentary on the place of women within those societies than the way the band itself actually views women. The fourth category is songs that deal directly with women’s issues. Due to space constraints I can only give a few examples of each type, but in the appendix is a list of songs by these groups that mention women and the way in which women are mentioned.
            Not all of the songs released by these bands portray women in a non-sexist light, but the songs that lyrically treat women poorly are not connected by any sort of overriding category and thus seem somewhat individual. There is a minor theme of jilted lovers speaking poorly of their former loves, as can be seen in Dope Sick, Girl by Rancid, which portrays a woman’s insecurity as attractive, and Anti-Flag’s Drink, Drank, Punk which talks about the regret of a one night stand with a woman who turned out to be unattractive. All of the songs that treat women with varying degrees of sexism have to do with relationships and as such are speaking about individual women and not women as a group or portraying them as characters in a society. One variation from this trend is the Bad Religion song Evangeline, a love song about a punk rock girl that shows her as a strong individual.
            Punk rock is the music of the rebellious teen, fighting against the controlling forces of society, an image easily represented through parents. While a parent of either gender could be used to represent society equally well, the mother is overwhelmingly the preferred choice. As a symbol of society, the mother is treated as a personification of society’s attempts to homogenize and control individuals in one of two ways, either through an actual controlling force or as person who has been completely controlled by society. The first of these can be seen in Rancid’s song The Wars End which contains the line: “Little Sammy was a punk rocker//you know his mother never understood him” and the second in the Bad Religion song 21st Century Digital Boy which attacks both parents as complacent products of modern society in the lyrics “Daddy’s a lazy middle class intellectual//Mommy’s on valium, so ineffectual”. Parents are also used as a stand in for society as something to be impressed, which the punk rock children inevitably fail at doing because of their failure to adhere to expected societal norms. This is exemplified in the Bad Religion song Incomplete, which begins with “Mother, Father, look at your little monster, //I’m a hero, I’m a zero, // I’m the butt of the worst joke in history”.  
Another form of symbolic kinship is seen in the use of phrases like “brothers and sisters” and “sons and daughters” to highlight a universal comradeship between people facing the same struggles, regardless of gender. This lyrical structure tends to treat both genders in the same way, as is seen in the Anti-Flag songs No Borders, No Nations which contains the lyrics “A government run by the corporations of the world//Enslaving mothers, fathers, sons, and daughters” and A New Kind of Army, which says “We’re looking for a few good men//We’re looking for a few good womyn”. This quotation from A New Kind of Army shows Anti-Flag’s consciousness of feminism through their adoption of the alternate spelling of “woman” as “womyn”; this is seen any time they use that word from 1998 onward. Gender equal comradeship is by far one of the dominant ways in which women are referred to in the songs that I examined, and it shows an underlying belief in equality between genders in the collective psyche of punk rock.
            The next category is of women as characters in a lyrical form common to many genres, including punk rock, that I will call the “anecdote”. In the anecdote format, short vignettes are told about multiple characters in order to tell a story, often of the effects of something or to create an image of a part of society. This is exemplified in the Bad Religion song You Don’t Belong, which uses this technique to describe the misfit youths to whom the song is dedicated. This song is also interesting in its causal mention of gender-deviant ways of performing gender. “Jack wore a skirt but he knew how to scrap//Billy went to county on a class one possession//Wendy went to school while her daddy shot smack//Eugene kept a list//Mugger was security//Mary she kept her purity//We were all in it together”. In one stanza of Rancid’s song Rats in the Hallway a heroin addict named Mya accosts the narrator, but in the next stanza it is the junkie Johnny whose addiction adds to the derelict setting of the apartment complex. These songs use descriptions of characters in an anecdotal way to describe a setting, but do so in such a way that does not rely on traditional gender roles. A third category of representations of women does exactly the opposite and is for that reason the most potentially problematic.
            Punk rock songs often create exaggerated settings to illuminate social ills or ironies, and one way in which they manage this is through the use of stereotypical female characters. At first listen these songs appear to be reinforcing stereotyped gender roles and treating women in sexist ways, but upon further examination it becomes clear that these images of women are not intended to be a comment on how women ought to be treated but rather on the roles that various types of society force them into. This is clear in Rancid’s song Hoover Street, which opens with a description of an immigrant prostitute to set the scene of the ghetto described by the song. The use of female characters in this way shows an acknowledgement of the unique ways in which other struggles, such as class, race, and consumerism, affect women and how the women shaped by these struggles then affect their communities.
            The final category of songs dealing with women are those dealing directly with “women’s issues”, especially abortion and women in the media. It is interesting to note that in my analysis I came across no songs that spoke negatively of feminist activism. Bad Religion and Anti-Flag both have released songs against restrictions on abortions, Don’t Pray on Me and No Apology respectively. From No Apology, “Making it illegal won't make it go away//the rich will fly to far off lands, the poor will stay and pray//that their back alley abortion is clean and safe//you can't make it go away,//so why endanger womyn's lives?” Additionally, all three bands have songs that attack the media’s unrealistic and damaging portrayals of women. Rancid’s Antennas begins with the blunt line “You’re selling sexism, you’re selling racism”, while Anti-Flag’s You’ll Scream Tonight describes how advertising utilizes over-sexualized women to sell products. While these songs are a definite minority, the fact that all male groups chose to tackle these issues when they could have just as easily dismissed them show that the feminist agenda of the Riot Grrrl movement may have had an impact on the subject matter that these bands chose to focus on.
            In conclusion, the Riot Grrrl movement’s combination of punk rock culture with feminist beliefs created a powerful subculture that impacted the lyrical content of popular male bands of the 1990s. While there is no evidence of direct influence or collaboration between women involved in the Riot Grrrl movement and the male bands of the punk revival that I examined, that these two movements occurred simultaneously within the same genre of music indicates that they were influenced by each other. The relatively equal treatment of women in the lyrics of these bands, as well as the fact that even the least political of the three examined has a song about women’s issues, shows that these bands were cognizant of feminism and operated in such a way as not to aggressively uphold masculine dominance.


Works Cited

Bag, Alice. “Work that Hoe: Tilling the Soil of Punk Feminism.” Women & Performance: a
Journal of Feminist Theory. 22.2-3 (2012):233-238. ProQuest. Web. 21 Nov. 2013.

Butler, Judith. 1988. Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory. Theatre Journal 40(4): 519-531.

Cranny-Francis, Anne and Wendy E. Waring. 2003. Femininity, Masculinity, and Fashion. Gender Studies: Terms and Debates. Palgrave MacMillan. 197-205.

Downes, Julia. “The Expansion of Punk Rock: Riot Grrrl Challenges to Gender Power Relations in British Indie Music Subcultures.” Women’s Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 41.2 (2012):204-237. Literary Reference Center. Web. 21 Nov,  2013.

Dunn, Kevin, and May Summer Farnsworth. “‘We ARE the Revolution’: Riot Grrrl Press, Girl Empowerment, and DIY Self-Publishing.” Women’s Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 41.2 (2012): 136-157. Literary Reference Center. Web. 22 Nov. 2013.

Garrison, Ednie Kaeh. "U.S. Feminism-Grrrl Style! Youth (Sub)Cultures and the Technologics of the Third Wave." Feminist Studies 26.1 (2000): 141-70. ProQuest. Web. 25 Nov. 2013.

Leblanc, Lauraine. Pretty in Punk: Girls’ Gender Resistance In A Boys’ Subculture. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers, University Press, 1999. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 19 Nov. 2013.

Wollstonecraft, Mary. 2002. Excerpt from “A Vindication of the Rights of Woman.” An Introduction to Women’s Studies: Gender in a Transnational World. I. Grewal and C. Kaplan, Eds. McGraw Hill. 170-172.

Other Sources:

"Anti-Flag." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/74476>.

"Bad Religion." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online.Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/36240>.

"Punk." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/52163>.

"Rancid." Encyclopedia of Popular Music, 4th ed. Ed. Colin Larkin. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press. Web. 11 Dec. 2013.<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/epm/62752>.


Songs Referenced:

Anti-Flag. "Angry, Young, and Poor." Underground Network. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2001.
Anti-Flag. "Anti-Violent." North America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Betty Sue is Dead." Their System Doesn't Work For You. By Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 1998. 
Anti-Flag. "Born to Die." North America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Confused Youth." Die for the Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Drink Drank Punk." Die for the Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996.
Anti-Flag. "Gifts from America; With Love, The U.S.A." BYO Split Series Volume IV. By Justin Sane. BYO Records, Los Angeles, 2002. 
Anti-Flag. "I'm Having a Good Day." North America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996. 
Anti-Flag. "Mind the G.A.T.T." The Terror State. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2003.                                                                                                                                               
Anti-Flag. "No Apology." A New Kind of Army. By Justin Sane. Go-Kart Records, New York, 1999.
Anti-Flag. "No Borders, No Nations." BYO Split Series Volume IV. By Justin Sane. BYO Records, Los Angeles, 2002. 
Anti-Flag. "Power to the Peaceful." The Terror State. By Justin Sane. Fat Wreck Chords, San Francisco, 2003. 
Anti-Flag. "Right to Choose." Mobilize. By Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 2002. 
Anti-Flag. "Spaz's House Destruction Party [Live]." Mobilize. By Justin Sane. A-F Records, Pittsburg, 2002. 
Anti-Flag. "Summer Squatter Go Home." Die for the Government. By Justin Sane. New Red Archives, San Francisco, 1996. 
Anti-Flag. "You'll Scream Tonight." North America Sucks!!. By Justin Sane. Nefer Records, Vancouver, 1996. 
Bad Religion. "American Jesus." Recipe for Hate. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Bad Religion. "Anesthesia." Against the Grain. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1990.
Bad Religion. "Boot Stamping on a Human Face Forever." The Empire Strikes First. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2004.
Bad Religion. "Broken." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion. "Cease." The Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996. 
Bad Religion. "Chasing the Wild Goose." Into the Unknown. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1983. 
Bad Religion. "The Defense." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002. 
Bad Religion. "Doin' Time." How Could Hell Be Any Worse?. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1982.
Bad Religion. "Don't Pray on Me." Recipe for Hate. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993. 
Bad Religion. "Drastic Actions." Bad Religion. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1981.
Bad Religion. "Drunk Sincerity." The Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996. 
Bad Religion. "Epiphany." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002.
Bad Religion. "Evangeline." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002. 
Bad Religion. "Heaven is Falling." Generator. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "Hooray For Me." Stranger than Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994. 
Bad Religion. "The Hopeless Housewife." The New America. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 2000. 
Bad Religion. "Incomplete." Stranger than Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994.
Bad Religion. "Land of Competition." Suffer. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1988.
Bad Religion. "No Direction." Generator. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "Pity the Dead." The Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996.
Bad Religion. "The Streets of America." The Gray Race. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1996.
Bad Religion. "Struck a Nerve." Recipe for Hate. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Bad Religion. "Television." Stranger than Fiction. By Greg Graffin. Atlantic, New York, 1994.
Bad Religion. "Two Babies in the Dark." Generator. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1992.
Bad Religion. "White Trash (2nd Generation)." How Could Hell Be Any Worse?. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1982.
Bad Religion. "You." No Control. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1989.
Bad Religion. "You Don't Belong." The Process of Belief. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 2002. 
Bad Religion. "21st Century (Digital Boy)." Against the Grain. By Greg Graffin. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1990.
Rancid. "Adina." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993. 
Rancid. "Another Night." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993. 
Rancid. "Antennas." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2000. CD.
Rancid. "As Wicked." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Back Up Against The Wall." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003. 
Rancid. "The Ballad of Jimmy and Johnny." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994. 
Rancid. "Cash, Culture, and Violence." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998. 
Rancid. "Cocktails." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Corazon de Oro." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Detroit." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Rancid. "Dope Sick, Girl." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid. "Fall Back Down." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003. 
Rancid. "Hoover Street." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998. 
Rancid. "Let's Go." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994. 
Rancid. "Memphis." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "New Dress." Life Won't Wait. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1998.
Rancid. "Not to Regret." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2000. 
Rancid. "Olympia WA." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Rats in the Hallway." Rancid. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1993.
Rancid. "Red Hot Moon." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "Roots Radicals." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Ruby Soho." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "She's Automatic." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "St. Mary." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994. 
Rancid. "Stand Your Ground." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "Tenderloin." Let's Go. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1994.
Rancid. "Time Bomb." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.
Rancid. "Tropical London." Indestructible. By Tim Armstrong. Hellcat, Los Angeles, 2003.
Rancid. "The Wars End." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995. 
Rancid. "You Don't Care Nothin'." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.

Rancid. "The 11th Hour." .And Out Come the Wolves. By Tim Armstrong. Epitaph, Hollywood, 1995.